Was tun?
Per Oktober 2016 tritt die Ausschaffungsinitiative in Kraft. In einer Diskussion mit Betroffenen und einem Anwalt wollen wir der Frage nachgehen, was dies für die Widerständischen im Quartier, in der Kurve oder für die politische Praxis von GenossInnen bedeutet, die keinen Schweizer Pass haben, und wie wir uns dagegen wehren können.
Kanzleiturnhalle, Zürich ab 18.30h
31/1/2016
“We have to sabotage the implementation of the Third Memorandum”
Q: What are the reasons, in your opinion, for the decline in the level of social resistance and struggles against capitalist restructuring and austerity measures and how can we get out of this impasse? What should be the strategy in the anarchist space currently?
A: The cause of the lessening of social resistance is precisely that it had and continues to have a defensive character in face of the unprecedented onslaught of capital and the state after 2010. The capitalist machine has been malfunctioning since 2008, neither finding profitable investments for pumping out ever greater profits nor capital to offset its losses, so it attacks social gains and the working class. And it attacks social security, salaries and pensions, it confiscates property due to debts, reduces labor costs, and seizes public property through privatization.
To compensate for its losses, capital pushes through rescue programs, that is to say the memoranda, wiping out sections of the population that it neither wants to nor can exploit, leading to their destruction. The redistribution of large-scale social wealth by confiscation applies a large-scale policy of theft from society and societal genocide to save the powerful.
Faced with this unprecedented attack that has already left thousands dead and the majority of society immiserated and impoverished, the solution is not to struggle to restore the system and social order to pre-2008 conditions- when the system worked, the banking system was “prosperous” and giving loans, with a welfare state (which in Greece was never well-developed) and a social consensus on the neoliberal reforms of that time.
It is impossible to go back to that situation because of the dynamics of the system itself. Just as it is impossible to return to a social-democratic model of development with strong state intervention in the economy as advocated by Syriza before the elections of January 2015. This model has been disappearing for the past four decades. Rather, the solution is the overthrow and destruction of capitalism itself since its very existence creates crises, the tragic results of which we live. The solution is what we as Revolutionary Struggle have supported for years, that “the only answer to the crisis is social revolution”. The cause of the crisis is not neoliberalism as affirmed by Syriza in previous years, but capitalism itself, its very existence.
The people descended into the streets in the mobilizations of 2010 – 2012 and today on the occasion of the new memorandum, but they expected and still expect to restore the situation to pre-crisis conditions, and to maintain the gains that have been made in the past decades by the old labor and trade union movement’s compromises with capital. The protests that have been made then and now, with their defensive character, proved ineffective to halt in the slightest degree the measures taken by those governments.
But when people take to the streets in protests, it is a great opportunity for political forces to intervene catalytically by putting on the table the revolutionary perspective, the overthrow of capital and the state. And this was exactly what was missing in the period 2010 – 2012 and which is missing now. The masses taking to the streets did not hear anything other than what the regime’s trade unions and parties said to them.
The anarchist/anti-authoritarian space did not form itself into a political force that would pose the question of revolutionary perspective. It did not propose something tangibly different from the policies implemented. So it was a natural consequence that with these mass protests, however large they were, and however many riots there were in front of the Parliament, that they would eventually lose their energy and not manage to overthrow the austerity policies of the government.
I have said before in other events that the radical space found itself unprepared in front of the situation after 2010 which largely revealed its political shortcomings, its lack of analysis of our era and the political system, and its lack of perspectives, positions and proposals. To proclaim slogans like self-organization, self-management, social liberation, revolution, without being more specific is without meaning. That is why the anarchist space remains without serious popular and social support and can not intervene on the central political stage.
The answer to this impasse is to shape our own political positions and proposals, what we propose to society about the problems of our time. To have a political program, to take specific positions on the debt, memoranda, the EU and the eurozone, and what are our proposals to replace capitalism and the state. How can we shape the classless and stateless society to which we supposedly aspire, Libertarian Communism and Anarchy?
On the basis of our political objectives and positions we need to adapt accordingly our actions to achieve these goals and positions. Certainly our actions should be diverse, but to talk about revolution without preparing for armed conflict with the regime, and not to pursue armed confrontation with the regime, means that there is not really striving for revolution, and this word becomes meaningless. Social revolution is unthinkable without resorting to arms to smash the power of capital and the state.
I believe that a revolutionary movement must clearly formulate the positions and proposals of some sort of political program to allow maximum political agreement and commitment on these positions, and on the modes of action and means of struggle to implement these positions and our program. There must be as large as possible consolidation of forces, rather than a loose coordination of collectives or individuals that all have different priorities.
In the present time, we have to sabotage the implementation of the Third Memorandum and the measures taken by the government, along with the commitments they have pledged to the creditors. The range of such action is large: from the urban guerrilla, to mobilizations in the street whether violent or peaceful, counter-information and propaganda actions, or relief measures for the socially weak and vulnerable affected by the crisis, to self-organized projects, all should be pieces of one political project for subversion, not detached from each other. And an overturn cannot happen if we are not prepared for armed struggle, for armed confrontation with the central government for the capture of enemy strongholds, those places where the authorites make their decisions. If we want to make revolution we must be prepared for war literally, not figuratively, to be prepared to risk our lives. This is how I think struggles are conducted.
Also, I believe that a revolutionary movement must have a political-military character. It should have open, public action and also purely illegal action. If there was, for instance, a Federation of Anarchist Assemblies based on territorial distinctions with collectives, affinity groups and individuals participating on the basis of a clear political agreement on principles, objectives and means of struggle, this would link together and help achieve a politically revolutionary program, and parallel to this there could be an illegal armed structure, a mass armed group that would target structures of economic and political power, thus promoting the implementation of the positions and program of the Federation of Anarchist Assemblies.
This does not mean the existence of two mutually independent parts, a “legal” and an “illegal” arm of the movement, but the distinct existence of the open and public action with purely illegal and secret actions that exist within a single revolutionary movement that has diverse actions and does not have criteria for separations of legality or illegality, but is preparing for overthrow and armed confrontation with capital and the state.
There can be no revolutionary movement without having its sights set on armed struggle. There can be no serious revolutionary movement if it is not prepared for armed conflict with the regime. There can be no revolution if the movement has no armed forces and infrastructure to overwhelm the security forces and the armed forces of the regime.
Q. How to connect the solidarity with political prisoners and persecuted activists in the struggles against the memoranda, capitalist restructuring and in general the people descending on the streets at this time?
A: First of all, allow me to delineate what is solidarity. Solidarity means that we consider as comrades all who are in prison because of the means of struggle chosen and that the means chosen are integral parts of our common struggle for the revolution to overthrow capital and the state, with the one prerequisite of having a dignified attitude against the prosecuting authorities, meaning they do not cooperate with the authorities and do not repent of their actions. Solidarity means that we think and feel that with repression, persecution and imprisonment of comrades because of their action and means of struggle that they chose, this means that the state strikes at all of us. It means the continuation of the struggle for those who are prisoners because of their revolutionary action, it means the continuation of the struggle of those who gave their lives in the struggle for the revolution to overthrow Capital and the State.
On this basis, solidarity is expressed in many ways. For example, actions that allow the political prisoners to speak, or counter-information, interventions, occupations, and demonstrations designed to publicize and popularize the words of political prisoners and the reasons why they are in prison, and most importantly, to connect all this with the general revolutionary project, namely the overthrow of capital and the state in the social struggles of our time. It can of course also be the continuation of armed struggle when it concerns prisoners who are in prison because of armed action and are members of guerrilla organizations.
To connect the solidarity with political prisoners in the struggles against the memoranda and the attack which has been unleashed by capital and the state since 2010, there should exist on the one hand (in the political space to which the political prisoners belong) the prospect of subversion and social revolution, and this certainly not at the level of wishful thinking or sloganeering, but at the level of action; and on the other hand the political prisoners themselves advance the struggle with their words or actions that have a revolutionary perspective.
For example, the words and acts of Revolutionary Struggle that are expressed either as an organization that acts, or through prison, have a wide social audience, our words can be popularized and are assimilable. Because the actions and the logic of the organization are based on the struggle against the rescue programs and policies to address the crisis, it is a call to overthrow the regime for social liberation.
We are an anarchist collective who have talked about the enormous public debt since 2005, how the Greek economy was based on a dependency policy by borrowing from the markets and the transnational economic elites, and that the country would be in a dire situation if there erupted a crisis due to debt, and we diagnosed the policies implemented by the Greek governments since 2009 to address the crisis, these policies that led to the memoranda. We diagnosed the social explosions that would be caused by these policies, which resulted in the overall discrediting and delegitimation of the system for major portions of society and this appeared in the period 2010 – 2012, and as well we diagnosed the great opportunity that occurred due to this general discrediting and delegitimation of the system for a revolutionary attempt in Greece, this opportunity that currently remains untapped. We talked on just the same grounds since 2009 of the need to create a revolutionary movement with clear objectives to attempt the overthrow of capital and the state, but this has not been possible to do so far.
We made what should in our view be the political orientations and proposals that a revolutionary movement must have today, as expressed in the creation of our platform in the notice by which we undertook the responsibility for the attack on the Bank of Greece in 2014. Of course a revolutionary movement must not forget the captives who are in state hands.
As for a practical example of how to connect the solidarity with political prisoners in the struggles against the memoranda, I could mention the proposal on my part in March 2015, when the hunger strike of the political prisoners might have had a central demonstration in Athens linking those demands of political prisoners to the fight against the Memorandum, this coming at a time when the Syriza government had signed its acceptance for the extension of the then existing Memorandum and its acceptance of debt and obligations to lenders in the meeting of the Eurogroup on February 20, 2015- but this demonstration proved impossible to undertake.
Of course, the response to the hunger strike of political prisoners then revealed that solidarity with political prisoners is not a given. I have said some things about the hunger strike of political prisoners last March- in my view, there was not an appropriate response from pieces of the anarchist/anti-authoritarian space.
Generally over time it has been demonstrated that a large piece of the anarchist space consistently opposes and condemns armed revolutionary action but without being able to support that attitude publicly with political arguments, so instead it mobilizes on the issue of solidarity almost exclusively or more easily on issues like “violation of human rights” or in cases where the framework is of “machinations”, “persecution”, the “construction of cases”, the “criminalization of relations” , which are considered more fit for “popularization” and as more “digestible” in the eyes of society.
And because these political arguments can not be publicly supported by the depreciation of armed revolutionary action on their part, then it is most convenient in the case of prosecutions relating to armed rebel groups to misrepresent the substance of those cases, to claim that the meaning in these repressive attacks is not the suppression of armed revolutionary organizations but only the criminalization of the anarchist space, etc. In addition to the arsenal of this kind of “solidarity” has been also added the “solidarity does not mean identity”, but which has shown that the only ones who are asking for identification are only those who extend this kind of “solidarity”.
Over time, the unfortunate result of this split “solidarity” is seen with the political prisoners who are members of armed revolutionary organizations and have taken political responsibility for their organizations and actions and have carried the weight of political battles and confrontations with the state, through special courts and more generally.
The “solidarity” criteria that have prevailed in part of the anarchist space are either personal criteria, that some get mobilized on the basis whether they know someone or have personal, friendly or even family relationships; while at a political level the criterion for this split “solidarity” is the depreciation of armed revolutionary action and those who assume political responsibility for it and defend armed struggle. This is an attitude with which I disagree politically, and with which I am not in solidarity.
The hypocrisy of this split “solidarity” showed itself when I made the proposal for the creation of the Assembly of Solidarity for political prisoners, a proposal which was to determine solidarity solely on political criteria- i.e. to include all persons persecuted and imprisoned for using methods of struggle that are inextricable parts of the struggle of anarchists and revolutionaries in general, this including the communists, and with the only exception of those that have kept an undignified posture by making statements condemning actions or giving information to the authorities. In my opinion this should be the political criteria for solidarity regardless of the means of struggle of those that have been imprisoned, regardless of whether people know personally or not persecuted and imprisoned fighters, regardless of whether we agree or disagree in some or other matters, regardless whether some acknowledge their participation in armed rebel groups or whether their prosecution is a side effect of the judicial pursuit of guerrilla organizations.
But some, either inside prison or outside, raise concerns and make obstacles to create such a solidarity structure for all political prisoners because what they really wanted, but could not say so openly, was to exclude a significant portion of political prisoners as solidarity recipients since what they support – not publicly of course – is that this portion are not political prisoners. Let us not fool ourselves, let us not hide, but look at reality. Solidarity with all political prisoners as a whole who keep a dignified attitude is something that receives an underground war from parts of the radical space.
At this time, amid the general slump in social resistance (despite a mobilization period as now is the time for the pension bill of the Syriza government that implements the third Memorandum) and taking into account the general failure of the anarchist/anti-authoritarian space to emerge as it ought to, as the single serious political pole that puts on the table the revolutionary perspective, solidarity to political prisoners appears to be as discredited as ever. Any solidarity movement, any solidarity call is now settled in a fragmented manner in the general indifference, fragmentation and discord situation prevailing in the movement. Let’s apply what we said previously and still holds true: whoever forgets the prisoners of war, forgets the war itself. The problem is more radical and does not concern only solidarity but the struggle overall.
In conclusion, to answer your question as to how solidarity with political prisoners relates and can relate to the struggles against the memoranda, with capitalist restructuring and people descending into the streets- this is when our action must be aimed at social revolution, when our actions must bring us together in struggle with parts of society mobilized against the memoranda in order to influence them in an anti-capitalist and anti-state direction. To do this we must have clear policy positions and objectives, a revolutionary political program, we must have clear proposals to the militant segments of society to promote the influence of an anti-capitalist and anti-state direction, so that our actions can be understood to be for the benefit and interests of those affected by the attack of capital and the state, attacked by memoranda and the austerity policies for handling the crisis. Revolutionary Struggle has such action. Our action must reach a broad social audience and not be introverted or self-referential.
To have such action that puts on the table the prospect of subversion and revolution is the best shield and protection for political prisoners and imprisoned fighters.
A few words about the appeal’s trial of 22 anarchists on April 20th 2016
The Conspiracy of Cells of Fire case – the judicial, legal and repressive moves of the State in regard to this anarchist organisation – spreads over a period of 7 years and is still underway.
As of April 20th 2016, after 7 years (since the first arrests in 2009), 22 anarchist comrades stand trial in the second instance in Koridallos prison, Athens. In the CCF appeal’s trial, other cases will be tried as well – dubbed “CCF cases” by the police-judicial complex, to give gigantic proportions to their judicial coup against anarchists.
The appeal’s trial that starts April 20th concerns the following:
i) the Halandri case (three trials in the first instance);
ii) the sending of parcel bombs in November 2010;
iii) the arrests in Nea Smyrni, Athens in December 2010;
iv) the capture of five CCF members in Volos in March 2011;
v) the shootout with police in Pefki, Athens in May 2011; and
vi) the arrests for the double robbery in Velventos, Kozani in February 2013.
In yet another judicial innovation, not only comrades that were tried in first instance as alleged members of the organisation and the CCF members themselves will undergo the same appeal’s trial, but also the six accused in the Velventos robbery case: Nikos Romanos, Yannis Michailidis, Dimitris Politis, Andreas-Dimitris Bourzoukos (who’ve claimed responsibility for the double robbery), Argyris Ntalios and Fivos Charisis (who’ve denied their involvement). In the first instance, these six comrades were fully acquitted of alleged involvement in the Conspiracy of Cells of Fire, so their case doesn’t even fall within the infamous 187A “antiterrorist” law.
But the significance of this police-judicial innovation is not just a simple merging of seemingly and practically unrelated cases. If we take a look at the accusatory dossiers, we can easily understand what’s going on and, most of all, why this is happening.
To defend comrades who’ve been captured for their acts and discourse – as the comrades who’ve claimed responsibility for the Conspiracy of Cells of Fire – or comrades who’ve been targeted by the State’s repressive operations, is a precondition for continuing and promoting a battle currently underway. In this battle against Power, joint action with comrades who’ve been imprisoned, persecuted or vilified doesn’t only aim at the liberation of hostages and the release of captive comrades from prison. It is, furthermore, a logic of “not leaving anyone behind”, thereby strengthening the integrity of the struggle. So that we fighters bring the prisoners back in our ranks; so that we nourish and intensify the war against the establishment.
A solidarity-based combative stance next to comrades who are incarcerated or prosecuted is yet another field of conflict with the State and its mechanisms.
International day of solidarity actions with the 22 anarchists that stand trial Saturday 23rd April
Solidarity Assembly for political prisoners & imprisoned and prosecuted fighters
(Athens, Greece)
The Conspiracy of Cells of Fire case – the judicial, legal and repressive moves of the State in regard to this anarchist organisation – spreads over a period of 7 years and is still underway.
On April 20th 2016, after 7 years (since the first arrests in 2009), 22 anarchist comrades will stand trial in the second instance, facing charges related to “acts” for which they were arrested, but also the accusation of membership in the organisation Conspiracy of Cells of Fire.
In the CCF appeal’s trial, other cases will be tried as well – dubbed “CCF cases” by the police-judicial complex, to give gigantic proportions to their judicial coup against anarchists.
The appeal’s trial of April 20th concerns the following:
i) the Halandri case (three trials in the first instance);
ii) the sending of parcel bombs in November 2010;
iii) the arrests in Nea Smyrni, Athens in December 2010;
iv) the capture of five CCF members in Volos in March 2011;
v) the shootout with police in Pefki, Athens in May 2011; and
vi) the arrests for the double robbery in Velventos, Kozani in February 2013.
In yet another judicial innovation, not only comrades that were tried in first instance as alleged members of the organisation and the CCF members themselves will undergo the same appeal’s trial, but also the six accused in the Velventos robbery case: Nikos Romanos, Yannis Michailidis, Dimitris Politis, Andreas-Dimitris Bourzoukos (who’ve claimed responsibility for the double robbery), Argyris Ntalios and Fivos Charisis (who’ve denied their involvement). In the first instance, these six comrades were fully acquitted of alleged involvement in the Conspiracy of Cells of Fire, so their case doesn’t even fall within the infamous 187A antiterrorist law.
But the significance of this police-judicial innovation is not just a simple merging of seemingly and practically unrelated cases. If we take a look at the accusatory dossiers, we can easily understand what’s going on and, most of all, why this is happening.
To defend comrades who’ve been captured for their acts and discourse – as the comrades who’ve claimed responsibility for the Conspiracy of Cells of Fire – or comrades who’ve been targeted by the State’s repressive operations, is a precondition for continuing and promoting a battle currently underway. In this battle against Power, joint action with comrades who’ve been imprisoned, persecuted or vilified, doesn’t only aim at the liberation of hostages and the release of captive comrades from prison. It is, furthermore, a logic of “not leaving anyone behind”, thereby strengthening the integrity of the struggle. So that we fighters bring the prisoners back in our ranks; so that we nourish and intensify the war itself against the establishment.
A solidarity-based combative stance next to comrades who are incarcerated or prosecuted is yet another field of conflict with the State and its mechanisms.
Solidarity Assembly for political prisoners & imprisoned and prosecuted fighters
Am Mittwoch, 6. April wurde Nekane Txapartegi in Zürich verhaftet. Die Verhaftung erfolgte aufgrund eines europäischen Haftbefehls und eines spanischen Auslieferungsantrags. Nekane Txapartegi ist eine ehemalige Stadträtin aus der baskischen Kleinstadt Asteasu. Sie war in verschiedenen linken Bewegungen aktiv und als Journalistin für verschiedene linke Zeitschriften tätig.
Nekane Txapartegi wurde 1999 von der spanischen paramilitärischen Polizei Guardia Civil verhaftet. Während der berüchtigten Incomunicado-Haft – ohne Zugang zu einem Anwalt oder sonstigen Kontakten – wurde sie massiv gefoltert und vergewaltigt. Ihre Aussagen führten zu einer Anklage gegen ihre Folterer, die sie auch identifizieren konnte. Das Verfahren wurde, wie in Spanien in solchen Fällen leider üblich, eingestellt. Amnesty International und andere Menschenrechtsorganisationen dokumentierten diesen besonders schweren Fall von Misshandlungen, Schlägen und sexueller Gewalt. Nach ihrer Freilassung flüchtete sie 2007 aus Spanien. Bei einem politischen Massenprozess gegen linke AktivistInnen wurde sie 2009 zu einer Haftstrafe von sechs Jahren und neun Monaten verurteilt. Erst am Dienstag, dem 12. April, konnte ein Schweizer Anwalt Nekane besuchen und ihre Verteidigung übernehmen. Seinen Berichten zufolge geht es ihr den Umständen entsprechend gut. Sie sieht den kommenden Zeiten mutig und aktiv entgegen. In der Zwischenzeit hat sich in der Schweiz die Solidaritätsgruppe “Free Nekane!” gebildet. Die Solidaritätsgruppe ist offen für engagierte Menschen und Kollektive, die Nekane und ihre Familie unterstützen und ihren Fall bekanntmachen möchten. Bei einer Auslieferung droht Nekane Txapartegi eine Haft weit entfernt ihrer Heimat. Durch diese “Dispersion” genannte Massnahme werden baskische Gefangene hunderte oder gar über tausend Kilometer vom Baskenland entfernt gefangen gehalten. Dies soll den Austausch zwischen baskischen Gefangenen und eine Solidarisierung erschweren. Für die betroffenen Familien bedeutet dies stundenlange Anfahrtswege ür kurze Besuche ihrer Angehörigen. Das oberste Ziel ist, die Auslieferung an Spanien zu verhindern. Keine Auslieferung des Folteropfers an ihre Peiniger! Die Gruppe wird dafür mit Informationen und solidarischen Aktivitäten an die breite Öffentlichkeit gelangen. Die Kontaktadresse lautet: freenekane@immerda.ch.
http://www.augenauf.ch/aktivitaeten/157-solidaritaet-mit-nekane-txapartegi-free-nekane.html
Am 15. April 2015 hat der deutsche Staat im Namen des “Kampfes gegen den Terror” auf Grundlage der dem Paragraphen 129 a und b des deutschen Strafgesetzbuches gegen die demokratische Institution ATIK, gegen fortschrittliche, und demokratische Aktivisten Staatsterrorismus verübt. Er hat mit willkürlichen und faschistischen Methoden Verhaftungen durchgeführt. Seit einem Jahr befinden sich neun zum Teil leitende ATIK-Mitglieder in Isolationshaft.
Dieser Angriff ist ein Teil der Angriffe gegen die demokratischen Institutionen der Migranten und gegen fortschrittliche, revolutionäre Persönlichkeiten.
Dieser Angriff ist ein Teil der Bedrohungs- und Einschüchterungsangriffe und Ausdruck davon, dass der imperialistische Kapitalismus für die Krise, die er nicht überwinden konnte, die Migrantenmassen verantwortlich macht und davon, dass er ihren legitimen und gerechten Kampf unterdrückt.
Wir rufen alle fortschrittlichen, revolutionären und kommunistischen Parteien, Institutionen und Personen auf, um gegen diese faschistischen Unterdrückungen und Verhaftungen zu protestieren, damit diesen ungerechten, willkürlichen und antidemokratischen Verhaftungen ein Ende gesetzt wird.
Der 15. April 2016 ist der erste Jahrestag unserer ATIK-Genossen im Knast unter schweren Isolationsbedingungen.
Und der 13.Mai 2016 ist der erste Prozesstag vor Gericht.
An den Tagen vom 16. April und 13. Mai rufen wir alle Freunde, Genossen und revolutionären Parteien, Gruppen und Personen zur Solidarität in Form von Protestaktionen vor den deutschen Botschaften und Konsulaten mit dem Slogan “Freiheit für Müslüm Elma und für seine Freunde” auf!
Freiheit für Müslüm Elma und seine Freunde!
Es lebe der internationale Kampf und die internationale Solidarität!
MLKP Internationales Büro
Ich grüße die Genossinnen und Genossen, die am jährlichen Treffen der Roten Hilfe International teilnehmen. An diesem Treffen nehmen zum ersten Mal Genossinnen und Genossen aus Griechenland teil. Es nehmen Mitglieder der Gruppe „Solidarität mit den politischen Gefangenen“ teil, von welchen ich sicher bin, dass sie euch über die Situation der politischen Gefangenen, die Solidarität mit ihnen und über die allgemeine Situation in Griechenland informieren werden. Von meiner Seite aus werde ich euch über die jüngsten Ereignisse, die sich abgespielt haben, informieren.
Am 21. Februar hat die gesuchte Genossin Pola Roupa, auf die ein Kopfgeld ausgesetzt ist, versucht, einen Helikopter zu entführen. Das Ziel war, mich und andere politische Gefangene, die wegen bewaffneten Kampfes inhaftiert sind, aus dem Gefängnis Korydallos (Athen) zu befreien. Leider ist der Versuch misslungen, aufgrund des Widerstands des Helikopter-Piloten, der ein ehemaliger Polizist ist und bewaffnet war. Zum Glück ist die Genossin unverletzt entkommen. Auf Grund dieses Versuchs sind die Sicherheitsmaßnahmen in dem Gefängnisflügel, in dem wir uns befinden, erhöht worden. Die Genossin, ich und die anderen politischen Gefangenen haben mit öffentlichen Schreiben die Verantwortung für den Befreiungsversuch übernommen. Wenige Tage danach, am 3. März, wurde der zweite Prozess gegen den Revolutionären Kampf beendet, in welchem ich wegen dem Angriff der Organisation auf die Nationalbank von Griechenland zu einer lebenslangen Haftstrafe verurteilt wurde. Zusätzliche 129 Jahre Haft gab es wegen Schüsse auf 5 Polizisten und der Verletzung eines Polizisten, als ich verhaftet wurde, sowie wegen zweier Banküberfällen. Es ist das erste Mal, dass in Griechenland wegen eines Bombenangriffs, vor dem gewarnt wurde und bei dem es keine Tote und Verletzte gab, eine lebenslange Haftstrafe verhängt wurde. Dies zeigt die Verschärfung des Vorgehens des Regimes in Griechenland im Umgang mit bewaffneten revolutionären Aktionen und gegenüber denjenigen, die – wie ich – konsequent und reuelos bezüglich des bewaffneten Kampfs bleiben.
Die politische, ökonomische und soziale Situation in Griechenland ist sehr kompliziert. Auf der einen Seite erschweren sich durch die Durchsetzung der “Rettungsprogramme” (des so genannten Memorandums) die Bedingungen für große Teile der Bevölkerung zunehmend, während die internationale ökonomische Krise sich weiter fortsetzt und in Europa vertieft. Und auf der anderen Seite gibt es die große Welle der Flüchtlinge von Kriegsgebieten des Mittleren Ostens, vor allem aus Syrien. All das stellt ein hochexplosives Klima her, nicht nur in Griechenland, wo während der Schließung der Grenzen auf dem Balkan und der Revision des Schengener Abkommens von einigen Ländern der EU Tausende von Flüchtlingen und Migranten im Land gefangen wurden. Sondern auch in Europa, wo die Fundamente der Europäischen Union irreparabel gebrochen wurden. Diese Bedingungen sind noch weiter belastet durch die Attacken der islamistischen Kämpfer 2015 in Paris, Frankreich und vor einigen Tagen in Brüssel. Diese explosive Kombination der globalen ökonomischen Krise zusammen mit den gepolitischen Faktoren im Mittleren Osten, die ein Resultat des “Kriegs gegen den Terror” und der Politik des Westens sind, den Kriegen in Syrien, Irak, Afghanistan, die die Flüchtlingswelle nach Europa ausgelöst haben, erschüttert die Fundamente der EU und könnte die EU, so wie wir sie kennen, beenden. Das Ergebnis dessen ist einerseits die
Einführung von zunehmend autoritären und totalitären Maßnahmen in Ländern der EU, wie in Frankreich nach den Angriffen der islamistischen Kämpfer, im Namen der Sicherheit findet der Aufstieg eines Polizeistaats statt. Auf der anderen Seite der Aufstieg der Rechten, die die Rückkehr zu schlagkräftigen Nationalstaaten verfolgen, die für die Schließung der Grenzen und die Abschiebung von Fremden und Flüchtlingen sind, die ein Regime des nationales Kapitalismus zurückbringen möchten. Das schlimmste ist, dass nach den Angriffen sich ein Konsens in Teilen der europäischen Gesellschaft breit gemacht hat, die aus Angst und Unsicherheit hinter ihren Regierungen stehen, die auf die Ankunft von Flüchtlingen reagieren. Sie erleichtern damit die Einführung von autoritären Maßnahmen, die die europäischen Regierungen durchführen möchten, um auf die Flüchtlingswellen reagieren zu können. Leider hat sich die Bevölkerung in Europa in den letzten Jahren nicht drastisch dagegen gewehrt, als ihre Regierungen die Zustimmung gaben und mit dem “Krieg gegen den Terror” kollaborierten, der 2001 von den USA losgetreten wurde, als sie zu den Kriegen in Afghanistan und im Irak zustimmten und als ihre Regierungen Truppen zur Unterstützung der Amerikaner bei der Besetzung dieser Länder schickten. Genau aus diesem Grund leiden sie jetzt in doppelter Hinsicht an den Konsequenzen der “Kriegs gegen den Terror”. In der
Hinsicht, dass es bei den Vergeltungsattacken der islamistischen Kämpfer zivile Opfer gab und dass die Regierungen zunehmend autoritäre und totalitäre Maßnahmen im Namen dieses Kriegs und der Sicherheit einführen. Der weltoffene Charakter der EU liegt bereits in Trümmern
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Ich glaube, dass nur durch das Anwachsen der revolutionären Momente in den westlichen Ländern, die Momente, die sich bemühen, den Kapitalismus und den Staat zu zerstören und eine internationale europäische Gemeinschaft hervorzubringen, dass nur durch diese ein Ende dieses Kriegs, des Rassismus, der Xenophobie, der Ausbeutung und Repression und all der Flüche des Kapitalismus und der Autorität erreicht werden kann. Nur eine internationale soziale Revolution mit antikapitalistischen und anti-staatlichen Charakteristiken in Europa und darüber hinaus kann die Antwort auf die aktuelle Situation, auf die globale ökonomische Krise, die sich mehr und mehr vertieft, und auf den Krieg gegen den “Terror” sein. Leider, Genossinnen und Genossen, sind wir weit von diesem Ziel entfernt. Nichtsdestotrotz müssen wir weiter in diese Richtung kämpfen.
Nikos Maziotis
Mitglied des Revolutionären Kampf
I salute the comrades who participate in the yearly meeting of International Red Help. Comrades from Greece participate for the first time in this meeting, members of the solidarity assembly for political prisoners in Greece who surely will inform you about the situation in Greece with regards to political prisoners, solidarity and generally the political situation in Greece. From my side I will inform you about some recent events that took place here. On February 21st the wanted comrade, Pola Roupa, on whom a bounty has been set, attempted to hijack a helicopter in order to break myself, as well as other political prisoners condemned for armed struggle, out of the prison of Korydallos. Unfortunately, the hijack failed due to the reaction of the pilot, who turned out to be an ex-policeman and was armed. Fortunately, the comrade got away safe and unhurt. Following this, security measures in the wing where we are held have increased. The comrade Pola Roupa and I as well as the other political prisoners have assumed the political responsibility for this attempt with public statements. A few days later on the 3rd of March, the 2nd trial of Revolutionary Struggle was completed, in which I was sentenced to life imprisonment for the attack of the organization against the Bank of Greece, plus 129 years for the shooting against 5 cops and the injury of one of them at the incident when I was arrested and for the expropriation of two banks. This is the first time where a sentence of life imprisonment is passed in Greece for a bomb attack in which a warning was given and where there were neither dead nor injured. This demonstrates the increasing severity of the regime in Greece concerning the treatment of armed revolutionary action and of those who like me remain consistent and impenitent as regards the choice of armed struggle.
The political, economic and social situation in Greece is very difficult. On the one hand, the continuing implementation of rescue programs (the so called memorandum) that Greek governments implement make conditions evermore difficult for large parts of the population, while the international economic crisis continues and deepens in Europe, and on the other hand, the huge wave of refugees from the war zones of Middle East, mainly Syria. All this creates a highly explosive climate not only in Greece, where due to the closing of the Balkan borders and also the amendment of the Schengen treaty by some countries of the EU thousands of refugees and migrants have become trapped in the country, but also in Europe where the foundations of the European Union have been ruptured irreparably. These conditions are burdened even further by the attacks of Islamic militants in 2015 in Paris, France and in Brussels a few days ago. This explosive combination of global economic crisis along with the geopolitical issues in the Middle East, which are a result of the war against “terrorism” and of the politics of the West, the wars in Syria, Iraq, Afghanistan that caused the refugee wave to Europe, shakes the foundations of the E.U. and may bring about its end as we know it. The result of this is, on the one hand, the adoption by countries of the EU of increasingly authoritarian and totalitarian measures, as in France after the attacks of Islamic militants, the rise of a police state in the name of security and, on the other hand, the rise of the far right who pursue the return to a regime of a powerful nation – state, who press for the closure of the borders and the deportation of foreigners and refugees, who want to bring back a regime of national capitalism. Worst of all is that following the attacks, a consensus has emerged by parts of European society, who rally behind their governments out of fear and insecurity, reacting to the arrival of refugees, thereby facilitating the implementation of the authoritarian measures European governments are taking to deal with the wave of refugees. Unfortunately, the people of Europe, in all the previous years, did not drastically resist when their governments gave their consent and collaborated with the war against “terrorism” that was unleashed by the USA after 2001, when they consented to the wars in Afghanistan and Iraq and when their governments sent troops to assist Americans in the occupation of these countries. It is precisely for this reason that they doubly suffer the consequences of the war against “terrorism”, such as that there are citizen victims of the reprisal attacks of Islamic militants and that governments take increasingly authoritarian and totalitarian measures in the name of this war and of security. The cosmopolitan character of the EU is already in ruins.
I believe that it is only through the growth, inside western countries, of revolutionary movements that will strive to destroy capitalism and the state and to create an International European Commune, that there can be an end to this war, to racism, xenophobia, exploitation and repression and to all the banes of capitalism and authority. Only an international social revolution with anti-capitalist and anti-statist characteristics in Europe and beyond can be the answer to the current situation, to the global economic crisis that deepens more and more and to the war against “terrorism”. Unfortunately comrades we are far from this goal. Nevertheless we must continue fighting in this direction.
Nikos Maziotis member of Revolutionary Struggle