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Greece: Conclusions and Political Importance of the Judgement of the Second Revolutionary Struggle Trial

The Court of Appeal of the 2nd trial of Revolutionary Struggle, which began in October 2017 and was completed on May 10, 2019 with a central political affair against the Bank of Greece (ECB) and the IMF, is the culmination of the political defense of its action by Revolutionary Struggle in Judicial Proceedings. It involved two expropriations of the Banks that had been taken over by the Revolutionary Struggle, one that did not concern the organization, as well as the interference with policemen in Monastiraki by Nikos Maziotis, which resulted in his arrest in July 2014.

The sentences imposed (life and 129 years for Maziotis, life and 25 for Roupa) by the judges; through their arguments, their attitude and their decisions on the penalties, all the hostility of the state apparatus was directed against the Revolutionary Struggle. And more specifically, political hostility toward a central attack against the Troika and the status of the “memoranda.” This hostility – in addition to our persistence to continue the action of the Revolutionary Struggle against the rescue plans and the social genocide policies that accompanied them, which we expressed through “illegality” and canceling the repressive power of the state towards us – was the result of the stupid attitude… [that accepted] “as inevitable and absolutely necessary” for the orderly and uninterrupted continuation of the operation of the state and the economic status of the Loan Conventions (“memoranda”), in spite of all the tribulations (they knew that will bring) to the majority of society. The attitude of intolerance to every strong and firm resistance to the “monumental” enslavement is particularly intense since the reactions of society have been silenced.

“Politically unaffected justice” in unthinkable since in its form and manner it is an inseparable pillar of the complex of modern power. As for the influence of the political conjuncture on the judicial and legislative functions, we have made special references to our trials, cutting the political crime into different political periods of modern history, that is to say, its recognition and its pretentious treatment in past times up to total refusal to accept the existence of a political opponent in the contemporary representative system of political power… In our time, political “crime” is the most expensive and what demands the hardest possible treatment by the judiciary… which ultimately implies the maximum possible penalties…

While all of these courts state that their “mission” is “the strict application of criminal law provisions,” the two courts of first instance have shown that the attitude of the court – and individual judge – is impossible not to be a political position against the political and social essence of the act – and more specifically the attack on the Treasury – the IMF…

In some cases there is also a direct political intervention by the executive in court. In our case… politically charged interventions [were made] by state superpowers (including Maziotis being placed in the international list of “terrorists” by the USA) while being a prisoner in 2015. All this war effort of the regime against us includes the extreme response that our 6-year-old child had in 2017 at the time of the arrest of Pola Roupa, who was subjected to a unique regime of exclusion and revenge…

Our persistence in the political positions, objectives and choices of Revolutionary Struggle, of which we defended with greater emphasis and determination than ever before, was seen as an “inappropriate” attitude to deal with primary punishments… Especially… with the universal abandonment of any political value given in previous years to the armed action and the effort to show it as a “right political attitude of solidarity,” the abandonment of those who insist on their political choices after conception. And of course, all of this is inherent in an environment of political defeatism and the effort to “ground” the counter-action in a context that does not exceed the limits of the “criminality” critique of the system. And above all, in an environment where the revolutionary project [is considered] ‘outdated’ and ‘out of time,’ a position that confirms the absolute power of the system. That is, in a climate [that is hostile] to the action of the Revolutionary Struggle and its defense in the courts.

Once again in the Court of Appeal of the Second Revolutionary Struggle trial, we deliberately refused to succumb to the dominant (seemingly and only) political climate and make a trial where all of this would be overturned. We chose to better organize our civilian defense, make it more intrusive, highlight more aspects of our organization and the particular attack, and fight the criminal outcome… in a more organized political way. And a more – we would say – absolutely revolutionary way.

And it is in our trials that we have more extensively analyzed the… necessity of the reversal of the regime, the necessity of the social revolution…

Any further reduction of sentences – or the exemption from more accusations – would be an explicit political differentiation of the court from the regime’s political framework, which we knew was not going to happen, while the decision as it stood constituted a subtle differentiation in terms of political treatment… This result, as expected – and as it has been in another trial – particularly in the first trial of the Revolutionary Struggle – “compelled” accusations and penalties for the other defendants. This is because an “application of proportionality” is observed among defendants who are politically defending the actions being tried by the others.

The strategy of this trial has worked towards the transformation of the trials that we have done so far, since we have put a lot of additional strengths beyond the defense policy in the way we did in other trials. To a great extent, this strategy can be distinguished in the third trial of the Revolutionary Struggle… In a more complete form, however, it was presented to the organization’s appeal court. The peculiarity of our political attitude in this court concerns the maximal use of status quoes, arguments, movements, analyzes that advocated and ultimately supported – and even confirmed – our claim and firm allegation of Revolutionary Struggle since its founding: for the revolutionary road as the only way out of the major social impasse of our time.

The Social Revolution emerged from Revolutionary Struggle with greater emphasis than ever before as a unique value and direction, especially during the crisis. However, this prospect has been put forward by the very first proclamation of Revolutionary Struggle as the only way out of a system that brutalizes societies and which… [will] become unsustainable for the social majorities that will be crushed by economic violence and their socio-political depreciation. We have pointed out this direction not only as a proclamation, but by focusing on an attempt to prove that the Social Revolution is a one-way street. Proof that could only be framed by the standing position of the Revolutionary Struggle as expressed and analyzed through the announcements of the organization and the texts from the prison in 2010-2011. Of course, political advocates of our organization, positions and strategy have been the witnesses of political defense in our trial…

Revolutionary Struggle attacked two of the three institutions that deprived the majority of Greek society and was charged with the political law against this attack, the only attack that had taken place at that time and was directly directed against the dictatorship of loan contracts and the supranational institutions that have imposed them…

To the question of “if the overthrow of the regime and the social revolution is not the appropriate response to the modern impasse of capitalism, the crisis, modern economic and political tyranny, then what is?” the silence is over. The demonstration of the impasse of a diffuse, non-strategic subversive social resistance project, emerged in the streets. And as a relentless implication of these historical facts, the necessity of forming a political-social front with a clear direction of the regime’s overthrow and social revolution emerges. Revolutionary Struggle with the choice of armed action introduced the above data long before their necessity from the historical development proved itself. And we in court have shown the consistency of the organization from its establishment to the attack on the Bank and the IMF, but also after it. Armed action and struggle proves to be the right political choice…

Revolutionary Struggle and we as persons have always attempted to develop the material conditions for the implementation of a Social Revolution. The project of the federal system of political and social organization that we have always advocated as the most appropriate model of revolutionary social reconstruction was originally drawn from the revolutionary history itself. But the modern version of the Confederacy in Rojava – Northern Syria – the revolution of our time – was a catalytic claim to prove that the proposal of the Social Revolution today is realistic. Thus, the Revolution in Rojava became the absolute factor in the evidence of the realism of revolutions in our time. Because this is the most decisive of all evidence. Evidence that it is a shame to stay in the cold courtroom, as it cannot be linked to the social reality here, in other words, to the social and political history of this place.

We did not have any delusions, of course, that the court would accept our political allegations, the legal demands we had made, and dispose of the accusations. However, given the harsh political context surrounding us and the political dynamics it creates within the courts, the result has been the subtle controversy of the predominant discourse regarding the essence, motives, and goals of the action of the Revolutionary Struggle…

If we can say that a conclusion drawn from this trial is useful today, it is that in the difficult times we live in the absence of widespread social resistance, with the provocative abandonment by many of the revolutionary struggle [in exchange for] painless protest against systemic extremes (even if this struggle is projected to be subversive) by accepting as regularity the most extreme form of serfdom imposed on the social majority through the “debt economy,” with solidarity degenerating into a case of personal interests, political assaults on repression make it possible “to unleash the fighters from the nails of the state,” finally accepting as inappropriate the regime’s policy of aggression against armed revolutionary action and – above all – against those who insist, do not step back, to support the correctness of the strategy of armed revolutionary action as an inseparable part of the widespread subversive struggle, through the stifling political wall of criminal repression, and in the face of long-term imprisonment – and beyond any legal calculation – is that “sometimes,” the substantial and non-discouraged political defense of armed revolutionary action in the courts, and to the extent that this defense manages to “ground” it on the central political and social issues and to refute effectively the dominant policy, may eventually repel, halt, reverse the merciless state attack on armed fighters.

But beyond and above all, our goal in this trial was beside the political defense of the action of the Revolutionary Struggle, the political justification of each action and the emergence of its importance within its historical context was to demonstrate the profound social necessity of the Social Revolution, the fact that it is the only way to overcome the social deadlock brought about by modern tyranny of the state and capital.

Pola Roupa – Nikos Maziotis, members of Revolutionary Struggle


Solidarität mit den Gefangenen und den No G20 Aktivisten Loic Schneider!

Vor bald 2 Jahren fand im Juli 2017 der G 20-Gipfel in Hamburg statt, ein Treffen der 19 reichsten Länder der Welt.  Ziel der G 20 war die Absprache von Strategien zur Verteilung von Macht und Reichtum, um durch Ausbeutung, Enteignung, Krieg, Umweltzerstörung, Hungerkatastrophen und die Bekämpfung von Fluchtbewegungen den Reichtum der reichsten Länder auf Kosten des Großteils der ärmeren Weltbevölkerung zu sichern und auszubauen. 8 Milliardäre haben mehr Vermögen als 50 % der Weltbevölkerung.

Der Gipfel der Herrschenden traf auf den zigtausendfachen Widerstand der linken Bewegung gegen die Weltherrschaft der G20-Staaten.
Insgesamt waren ca. 200.000 Menschen an den verschiedenen Protesten beteiligt.

Rund um den Gipfel gab es dann den größten Polizeieinsatz in Deutschland nach dem 2. Weltkrieg mit 31.000 Bullen.

Trotzdem verlor der hochgerüstete Repressionsapparat häufig die Kontrolle über das Geschehen. Das staatliche Gewaltmonopol wurde massiv in Frage gestellt und war phasenweise über mehrere Stunden aufgehoben. Barrikaden und Aneignungsaktionen bestimmten das Bild. Polizeieinheiten wurden mehrfach in die Flucht geschlagen.

Unmittelbar nach dem Gipfel begann der staatliche Rachefeldzug. Die massive Repression des Staates nach den Aktionen während des G20-Gipfels hält bis heute an.

Es gab bisher 5 Öffentlichkeitsfahndungen in ganz Europa mit Lichtbildern von 400 Personen, von denen angeblich 110 Personen identifiziert worden sein sollen. Die Justiz kommt nicht hinterher, erst 149 Gerichtsverfahren waren abgeschlossen, davon 9 Haftstrafen ohne Bewährung. 

Ein Ende der Jagd durch die Klassenjustiz ist noch lange nicht in Sicht.
Seit dem 18.12.2018 läuft der sog. „Elbchausseeprozeß“ gegen 4 Aktivisten aus Süddeutschland und Loic aus Frankreich. 2 von ihnen waren nahezu 8 Monate in Untersuchungshaft.

Im August wurde Loic 2018 aufgrund eines von Deutschland erwirkten internationalen Haftbefehls in Frankreich festgenommen und im Oktober 2018 nach Deutschland ausgeliefert.

Am frühen Morgen des ersten Gipfeltages machten einige 100 AktivistInnen ihrer Wut über die herrschenden Verhältnisse Luft und verdeutlichten ihre Unversöhnlichkeit mit dem kapitalistischen System durch das Entglasen von Konsulaten, Banken, Geschäften und Ämtern und das Anzünden von Autos in der im Villenviertel gelegenen Elbchaussee.

Die 5 Beschuldigten werden als vermeintliche Täter präsentiert, konkrete Taten werden ihnen nicht vorgeworfen, sie sollen vor Ort gewesen sein. Auf diese Weise konstruiert die Staatsanwaltschaft, Bullen und Medien eine strafrechtliche Mithaftung für Alles!

Der Prozess ist bis in den September 2019 terminiert. Die ersten beiden Prozesstage fanden vor einem überfüllten Zuhörerraum statt, die Angeklagten wurden mit minutenlangen  Beifall, Victory-Zeichen und erhobenen Fäusten begrüßt und verabschiedet. Am 3. Prozesstag wurde auf Antrag der Staatsanwaltschaft die Öffentlichkeit für die gesamte Dauer der Beweisaufnahme ausgeschlossen.

Der beabsichtigte „Geisterprozess“ unter Ausschluss der Öffentlichkeit ist ein Angriff auf uns alle, also auf die solidarische Prozessbegleitung, auf uns als Solidaritätsbewegung insgesamt.
Schon zu Prozessbeginn gab es in mehreren Städten, auch in Frankreich, Aktionen, Kundgebungen und Demonstrationen,
Die Herrschenden fürchten unsere vielfältige Solidarität, die sich weder distanziert noch einschüchtern läßt und dies auch deutlich zum Ausdruck bringt. Die angeklagten Genossen wollen und brauchen weiterhin unsere volle Solidarität, insbesondere Loic, der immer noch im Knast ist.
Schreibt massenhaft Postkarten und Briefe an Loic Schneider, Holstenglacis 3, 20355 Hamburg!

Wir lassen uns nicht spalten in „Gut“ und „Böse“, der Widerstand gegen den G20-Gipfel in Hamburg war legitim.

Solidarisch kämpfen!
Wir stellen uns gegen Repression, wir verteidigen die Gefangenen!
Gegen imperialistische Unterdrückung und Rassismus, internationalistische Solidarität!
Loic muss raus aus dem Knast!
Liberte pour Loic!

Grussadresse der Roten Hilfe International (RHI)

Die RHI ist eine internationale klassenkämpferische Organisation aus Belgien, Deutschland,  Italien, Schweiz,Türkei und Kurdistan.

Solidarity with the prisoners and the No G20 activist Loic Schneider!

Almost 2 years ago in July 2017 the G20 summit took place in Hamburg, a meeting of the 19 richest countries in the world. The aim of the G 20 was to agree on strategies for the distribution of power and wealth in order to secure and expand the wealth of the richest countries through exploitation, expropriation, war, environmental destruction, famine catastrophes and the fight against flight movements at the expense of the majority of the world’s poorest population. 8 billionaires have more wealth than 50% of the world’s population.

The summit of the rulers met the tens of thousand times resistance of the left movement against the world domination of the G20 states.

A total of around 200,000 people took part in the various protests.

Around the summit there was then the largest police operation in Germany after the 2nd World War with 31,000 cops.

Nevertheless, the highly equipped repressive apparatus often lost control over the events. The state’s monopoly on the use of force was massively called into question and was temporarily lifted for several hours. Barricades and appropriation actions dominated the picture. Police units were repeatedly forced to flee.

Immediately after the summit, the state’s vendetta began. The massive repression of the state after the actions during the G20 summit continues to this day.

So far, there have been 5 public searches throughout Europe with photographs of 400 people, 110 of whom are said to have been identified. The judiciary did not follow, only 149 court cases were completed, 9 of which were prison sentences without probation.

An end to the hunt by class justice is far from in sight.

Since 18.12.2018 the so called “Elbchausseeprozeß” against 4 activists from southern Germany and Loic from France is going on. 2 of them were in custody for almost 8 months.

In August 2018 Loic was arrested in France on the basis of an international arrest warrant obtained by Germany and extradited to Germany in October 2018.

Early in the morning of the first day of the summit, some 100 activists expressed their anger at the prevailing conditions and demonstrated their irreconcilability with the capitalist system by devitrifying consulates, banks, shops and offices and lighting cars in the Elbchaussee in the villa district.

The 5 accused are presented as alleged perpetrators, they are not accused of concrete acts, they are said to have been there. In this way the public prosecutor’s office, cops and media constructs a criminal joint liability for everything!

The trial is scheduled for September 2019. The first two days of the trial took place in front of a crowded auditorium, the defendants were greeted and bid farewell with minutes of applause, Victory signs and raised fists.

On the 3rd day of the trial, at the request of the public prosecutor’s office, the public was excluded for the entire duration of the taking of evidence.

The intended “ghost trial” under exclusion of the public is an attack on all of us, i.e. on the solidarity of the trial, on us as a solidarity movement as a whole.

Already at the beginning of the trial there were actions, rallies and demonstrations in several cities, also in France.

The rulers fear our diverse solidarity, which neither does not distance itself nor won’t be intimidated and which expresses this clearly. The accused comrades want and need our full solidarity, especially Loic, who is still in prison.

Write masses of postcards and letters to Loic Schneider, Holstenglacis 3, 20355 Hamburg!

We do not let ourselves be divided into “good” and “evil”, the resistance against the G20 summit in Hamburg was legitimate.

Fight in solidarity!

We stand against repression, we defend the prisoners!

Against imperialist oppression and racism, internationalist solidarity!

Loic must get out of jail!

Liberte pour Loic!

Greeting address of the Red Help International (RHI)

RHI is an international class struggle organisation from Belgium, Germany, Italy, Switzerland, Turkey and Kurdistan.

Greece: Letter from Hunger Striking Political Prisoner Dimitris Koufontinas

To the Director

I accepted to be transferred to your hospital, after pressure, in order to have an appropriate nursing environment (support of nursing staff), as I am on hunger strike since 2/5.

My living conditions here, in the warehouse of the 2nd basement of the hospital building, next to the morgue, are inhuman treatment and torture.

For this I request that I immediately be transferred to an appropriate hospital clinic so that there is a presence of nursing assistants in meeting the basic individual needs.


I do not want to stay in your hospital any more and I declare and sign with all responsibility that I want to go back to the EACN Cassavete in my detention area , where I will continue the hunger strike.


Until then, I will not accept any visit and medical attention from any doctor or nurse of your hospital, which I consider to be premature and offensive in advance, and I declare that any such effort is a violent and forced hospitalization that can not be done without my will, at which I do not consent.

This statement is in no way directed against medical and nursing staff who are conscientiously doing their job in these adverse conditions.

Dimitris Koufodinas
2nd Basement
Achillopouleio General Hospital of Volos, Greece

Greece: Update on the Fourth Trial of Revolutionary Struggle

On Monday 03.12.18 at 9AM, the 4th trial of Revolutionary Struggle continues in the Korydallos Prison Court for cases of ‘theft’ attributable to the organization with the employees of banks appearing as witnesses.

Originally published by Athens Indymedia. Translated by Anarchists Worldwide.

Note: Enough is Enough is not organizing any of these events, we are publishing this text for people across the US and Europe to be able to see what is going on and for documentation only.

As you might have noticed we published several articles from Anarchists Worldwide.  You will find all articles by Anarchists Worldwide we have published here. Soon the comrades will have their own blog but you can already follow them on Twitter and Facebook.

On Monday 03.12.18 at 9AM, the 4th trial of Revolutionary Struggle continues in the Korydallos Prison Court for cases of ‘theft’ attributable to the organization with the employees of banks appearing as witnesses.

The prosecution have combined around 9 cases of bank expropriation (dating from 2008-2015) carried out by Revolutionary Struggle with the aim of depoliticizing the organization and deconstructing their actions by adding additional charges and convictions.

Revolutionary Struggle members Pola Roupa and Nikos Maziotis have previously assumed political responsibility for the bank expropriations that were carried out to finance and continue the actions of the organization.

In this trial, those who are accused of involvement or are being investigated for the expropriations are accused of violating Article 187P.K for membership of a criminal organization as well as 187A for financing a criminal organization. Those being accused and judged in the first instance are: N. Maziotis – member of Revolutionary Struggle, Maria Theofilou, G. Petrakakos, Themistocles and Fotis Assimakapolulos, Marios Seisidis, Kostas Sakkas, Panagiotis Argyros, Grigoris Tsironis and Spyros Christodoulou (During an EKAM / Special Counter-Terrorist Unit operation, Spyros Dravillas shot and killed himself before he could be arrested. Spyros Christodoulou, G. Petrakakos and Grigoris Tsironis were arrested during the same operation).

The next hearing is scheduled for 12.12.18.

(This is a roughly summarized translation by Anarchists Worldwide of information that was originally posted in the Greek language on Athens Indymedia and in the Spanish language on the Instinto Salvaje website)

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Anarchists Worldwide blog coming soon!

★ #Greece: Update on the Fourth Trial of Revolutionary Struggle Ⓐ ★

Greece: Pola Roupa and Nikos Maziotis, imprisoned members of Revolutionary Struggle on hunger strike

November 11, 2017


Almost 10 years after the outbreak of the crisis with the collapse of the financial system, bank bankruptcy, and seven years after the commencement of the era of the memorandum and the monitoring of the country by the troika (IMF, EC, ECB), the social base in this country has suffered the strongest blow since the Second World War.

Greek puppet governments have definitively delegated substantial economic and political governance to EU supranational organizations and indirectly to the capital markets and are imposing new measures of social euthanasia for large sections of the population in this country, they are now insignificant for their added value to capitalist wealth. That’s why it does not matter if they disappear. This condition of condemnation is also a prerequisite for the survival of the system itself, for the preservation of the political regime, for the perpetuation of capitalism.

The government’s propaganda to overcome the crisis and return the Greek economy to a recovery path is a common European lie to showcase the supposed success of the programs and memoranda, to allow the EU to be removed from the obligation to continue to financially support the Greek regime and to let the capital markets take the lead from the EU in the recycling of Greek debt and speculation through it. A debt that regime agents already admit that if not drastically reduced in the immediate future will force the Greek state to declare bankruptcy. Not least that the exit to the markets of the Greek state will further exacerbate the already exaggerated Greek debt, which now exceeds 180% of GDP.

The message, however, that the world’s powerful have taken from these years with the rescue policies of the system by the central banks and governments that have put the whole weight of the crisis that the rich created on the backs of the peoples: whatever they do they have their pack animals, the social base, to bear the crisis and produce profits. And the usual practice of enrichment through the swelling of global debt and its financialization continues until the next collapse. But the people have already suffered a huge blow. The social base in the country counts millions of poor, marginalized and desperate. It counts thousands of deaths from hunger, illness and suicide.

The SYRIZA-ANEL government’s minister, Kontonis, argued that it is a government success that people do not eat from the rubbish. People still do eat from the trash, but they no longer show them on television. This is why it is a universal political priority to support the “success story” of the memorandum by all parties and the media.

The theft of any surplus wealth left to the social base continues with unabated tension by the government with wage and pensions cuts, the abolition of public insurance, the taxation of the most economically weak, all while poverty is rising, on the orders of the EU the banks will throw thousands of borrowers onto the streets, and there is no chance to persuade the government to get out of the crisis.

The only success of the government is social passivity and the defeat of struggles. Because the basic precondition for imposing these criminal policies in the country that threw thousands of people to the margins, which killed thousands, was and is political normality and the absence of a strong social reaction. Because the smaller the resistance of society, the more ruthless the system becomes.

The social reactions to the memorandums somehow came to a standstill as the regime was determined to impose the memorandums at all political expense. But the reason these memoranda were imposed was the absence of an expanded and powerful revolutionary movement that could be an obstacle to the social euthanasia policies. Upon the defeat of the resistance SYRIZA stepped in to climb to power. The SYRIZA-ANEL government has also been the last sparks of reaction to the system and policies to overcome the crisis.

Today, the social base is rotten, while the economic and political lords of the country have secured their wealth in tax havens and in foreign banks. The Paradise Papers come to recall what everyone knows: That the economically powerful and their political aides are not touched by any crisis and it does not concern them that any measures are imposed. In a “legal and moral” (sic) way they will continue to enrich themselves while millions of people die of hunger and poverty.

Nowadays, the social base is rotten because this rotten system is killing to survive, because it kills social solidarity and cohesion and pushes it into crime. The war of all against all is the beginning of capitalism and the economic freedom of the rich to do whatever they want with the support of governments. It is the beginning of the absolute competition that has dominated the planet.

Their own creations – the crimes among the social bases – are nowadays the politicians’ number one issue. “Order and security” is the common slogan of the political elites to deal drastically with these phenomena which the regime itself gave birth to. One of the most popular aspects of propaganda is crime among the social bases today. It is the phenomenon that the regime itself generates and nourishes.

And, on the other hand, the great criminals, the real terrorists and the bandits that make up the economic and political power, remain immune.

Society rots and turns into cannibalism as there is no political way out of the social conditions that the regime itself shapes: Because it creates poverty and want, marginalization and despair. This drowns the youth with drugs, it dissolves social solidarity. This creates the conditions for a cannibal society. This is the crime.

Prisons are full and more and more will pass through their doors as the political and economic conditions for increasing all forms of delinquency exist and will continue to exist.

And prisons are now being targeted by the left-wing totalitarianism promoted by the government with the new punitive code, which aspires to turn prisons into crematoria for thousands of prisoners.


At the top of the government’s priorities, and other regime parties, is always the political representation of Revolutionary Struggle and our political view. And the attitude that the regime has always reserved for us was analogous to its view of the political threat represented by Revolutionary Struggle but also by us personally. And they never hid it.

Because Revolutionary Struggle was a political threat to the policy of the Memoranda, an important factor of resistance, an organization that promoted the overthrow of the system and the revolution, the change of society in order to tackle the crisis at its root.

Because Revolutionary Struggle and we personally struggle for social solidarity which can triumph with the overthrow of the criminal regime that promotes social decay and social death. And the triumph of social solidarity presupposes the creation of a society of economic equality and political freedom for all.

And because they condemn us as enemies of democracy, those whose political system disdains and mocks with its very existence real democracy, there’s is a system of oligarchs in favour of the rich and the powerful, they break their own Constitution when the power of bankers and the wealthy is at risk (anti-constitutional imposition of memoranda), we point out that real democracy is direct democracy, this political organization of society today presupposes the economic organization of society based on the principle of economic equality.

The current system of parliamentary representation, especially in our time, with a discredited parliament that, according to a Eurobarometer survey, is only trusted by 13% of the people in the country, the current political system that is now commonly understood to be a puppet of the world’s powerful, this is the enemy of real democracy.

Real democracy, political freedom and economic equality are inseparable values. And an indisputable value is social solidarity. All these values that kill the existing economic and political system. And these are the values for which Revolutionary Struggle fights and for those values we are in prison.

Even before our arrests the repressive mechanisms they formed the frame through the media with ourselves as the central faces and Revolutionary Struggle as an umbrella organization for every armed activity in the country. They had set a bounty of €1 million each for us.

The arrest of Nikos Maziotis in July 2014 was presented by the then Minister of Public Order as an important element for the unimpeded implementation of the memoranda and the salvation of the system. With Nikos Maziotis they “inaugurated” the Type C prison[1] of New Democracy in Domokos as he was the first political prisoner to be transferred there.

A special moment in our special treatment was the arrest of Pola Roupa. The way the state and government treated our six-year-old child will remain in history as the most violent repressive blow.

The imposition of a unique exemption regime for Maziotis, who has been in isolation since last July, is another move in our special treatment.

The new Penitentiary Code introduces a special photographic arrangement for Pola Roupa to be put in isolation and to establish the isolation regime of Nikos Maziotis (article 11 par.6 point e). Whilst a special provision is introduced for the detention of those who are tried and are in a special regime of isolation, they are detained in police stations, which, for us and the long trials we have, is a move aimed at failing to conduct the civil trial and effectively cancelling it.

We know that we represent a political threat to the regime even though we are in prison. We know that we are still at the top of the agenda of the government’s political goals to address a political adversary of the system. This was expressly stated by Tsipras in the parliament, mentioning twice the name of Pola Roupa to the successes of his government’s repressive policy, paying special attention to this arrest. And they all heard that it was the only name in terms of arrests mentioned in the parliament.

They explicitly state this with the extensive reports they are always doing mentioning the name of Pola Roupa and our political history with the media presenting us as the central face in every armed activity.

And it is clear that while the repressive mechanisms have already reduced Revolutionary Struggle to an “umbrella” for a series of robberies that have taken place across Greece, they continue to place at the center of domestic armed action – of every kind and form – Revolutionary Struggle and us personally.

This is a strategically important policy for the state, the government and the media that stems from the prioritization of our case, Revolutionary Struggle and our political choices. Because while we are in jail, their war against us does not stop and in every way the government shows its political will against us that has long been personal.

We have repeatedly stated and everyone knows that what we do, we do. The political actions and actions of Revolutionary Struggle, of the organization to which we are members, we always defend them politically at all costs. However, actions that are not related to and are not related to Revolutionary Struggle – which the repressive mechanisms know – we are not willing to be credited with. Everyone assumes their responsibilities in the political field.

However, we know that the choice of the state to place us at the heart of any armed activity is of strategic importance. And this policy is converging with the state’s primary target of putting us in a special treatment regime within prisons. It comes and converges with the new exception regime that prepares and restores Type C prisons, with a special priority to be given to us personally this time with the photographic arrangement of Art. 11 para.6 of the new Penal Code.


According to Article 11, paragraph 6 of the new Penitentiary Code, “those convicted of organizing escapes and other offences committed within detention facilities and under the applicable criminal and terrorist law will be detained in specific designated areas”.

It is known that in the past there have been cases of escaping detainees or attempted escapes. Never before has any government been asked to legislate specifically on organizing escapes to isolate detainees for such cases. The last escape took place in 2013 under ND (New Democracy political party).

In the recent historic juncture, the only such escape that has not been tried is the attempted escape of political prisoners that Pola Roupa attempted in February 2016, for which both Nikos Maziotis and other political prisoners are accused.

We do not know whether this provision is applied retrospectively and includes other cases of escape, but it certainly concerns this case. This is a pure device.

To the extent that there are other prisoners convicted of organizing escapes from prisons, they will obviously have the same treatment, as we know that the extension of an exceptional measure already enforced by law will include other categories of prisoners, that is a given.

Every move towards more and more totalitarian conditions in society, and in this case in prisons, is usually passed over the declared political enemies of the system that are prisoners of the state and then they are to be extended to wider social and political categories of people. With regard to escapes from prisons, up to now – and after legal and political interference in the matter – it has been enshrined as a prisoner’s right because of the recognition of human nature which tends towards freedom, with the result that the escape has constituted until recently a misdemeanour.

Obviously in a regime such as the modern one, which is steadily and without a political rival heading towards an absolute totalitarianism, the state wants to show that this tendency to freedom is a detestable tendency. That’s why their exemplary punishment by putting them in a regime of permanent isolation is now routed through the new penitentiary code by a left-wing government.

The special conditions of detention, even in absolute isolation, are laid down in the same article and for a large category of prisoners who “manifest violent behaviour towards the prison staff”. In addition to the imposition of a disciplinary sanction on the so-called “harsh” prisoners that is to be imposed by the council, Article 11 (6) (a) introduces the possibility of placing these detainees in a special quarantine regime for long periods of time. And because the issue may even concern the incitement of mobilization in prisons, this article is expected for “security reasons”, prisoners who are actively involved in prison life are to be placed in isolation.

Article 11 lists discrimination and segregation of detainees. In addition to the existing categorizations in paragraph 4, an extraordinary regime for the detention of a special category of detainees is taken “in case of transfer for procedural reasons if there is no such facility or department, the detainee resides in a specially designed area of a local police station”.

“If reasons connected with the security of the country or public order or order and security in the detention facilities make it necessary to take additional security measures for the guarding of a detainee for procedural reasons and to avoid communicating with detainees of other categories, guarding and staying in the detention facility may be done at the suggestion of the competent police authority or the Directorate-General for Criminal Offences of the Ministry of Justice in some other police facility”. “Grounds related to the country’s security or public order” are clearly relevant to members of armed organizations since they are invoked for reasons which exist only in 187A and in any other article of the Penal Code. Accordingly, this provision reserves the option to keep someone in isolation in GADA (Police Headquarters) and detention there by decision of the minister if it is someone who is in prison under 187A[2], IE they are a member of an armed revolutionary organization, throughout their trial.

Detention in the police stations (and while there are prisons in the trial area), the same article is also provided for security reasons for detention facilities. Consequently, for those detained in the detention category under special circumstances, their right to an effective trial is being circumvented.

Given the conditions of detention in these circumstances and given that our trials are many months long with the restoration of this provision initially introduced by ND with the Type C prison bill, the state not only violates any right to trial, but renders void its conduct. And in this case it is clear. Kontonis, the Minister of Justice, with Article 11, quite openly declares the “extraordinary” treatment that we have, a unique exception scheme with more personal targeting.

Since he has stated in many ways the central policy of the government and himself to introduce segregation and within the class of political prisoners, IE those in prison on 187A, it is clear that the exceptional treatment is aimed at creating the most stifling conditions of imprisonment, without communication with other detainees.

Article 11 and the subheadings introduced in paragraph 6 in conjunction with the specific reference made in Article 11 itself and in paragraph 4 to “security issues of the country and of public order” which concern exclusively political prisoners and the conditions for conducting their trials, which are mainly political trials, it is clear that the ministry has launched the exceptional treatment and personal targeting against those who have a political attitude and reason, who defend their choices and express them throughout the prison and courts. Our trials are targeted and their abolition is being launched, all of which, together with Article 51 on prisoners’ communications and their drastic limitation (see below), aims at the political silencing of political prisoners.

We know that even our political voice is dangerous to the regime junta. The open attack on us is at the bottom of their policies, and comes from this political fear. Because it is assumed that trials such as those we face are impossible to conduct smoothly under the conditions introduced by the new prisons, the safe conclusion is that ultimately the government’s goal is primarily political. It is the abolition of the civil trial.

Equal rights and respect for human dignity under the Constitution are explicitly circumvented in the New Penitentiary Code, both with the special provisions and the exception regime that will be imposed in specific cases as we have mentioned, and through other provisions such as Article 2 Paragraph 4 mentions “exceptional cases where measures may entail restrictions on the normal living conditions of prisoners determined on a case by case basis by a public prosecutor’s decision”.

Also, Article 15 (3) provides for the decision of the Minister of Justice to “include detainees in new categories for reasons of special treatment”. Therefore, the introduction of new discrimination among prisoners is subject to the discretion of the prosecutor and the minister.

Article 51 introduces the restriction of the prisoner’s telephone communications. Based on this article, telephone numbers communicated with by prisoners will be imported into software and the prisoners will be given a password to communicate with them and only the phones they have given themselves to the service will be allowed. It is clear that this measure is not introduced to monitor and control the prisoner’s telephone communications as this is in any case valid. What is introduced is the strict control of communications on those persons who visit the detainees, IE relatives, and will clearly require special approval from the prison service for the other prisoners’ communications. If for example the individual prosecutor does not approve any communication, no password will be given.

The universal restraint of all first-time prisoners’ telephone communications is a new type of totalitarian measure against the freedom of people in communications that is also enshrined in the Constitution.

Although it is not explicitly stated in this article, the restriction of prisoners’ communications is the one that provided for by this article.

Article 13 “on special arrangements for detained mothers and detained parents” and in paragraph 3, first incorporates Article 1532 of the Civil Code on “Parental Responsibility” for imprisoned parents. It restricts the possibility for children up to 3 years of age to live with their detained mother (the possibility of living with the detained father is introduced, but such a possibility is impossible under the existing conditions) only if judged necessary by a juvenile court. Therefore it dismisses the fact that if a prisoner, a mother can keep her child if she wishes within the prison. This will now be judged by the courts. There is also a distinction in those prisoners serving sentences of more than 10 years where the child’s care – whether it will go to a relative or an institution – will also be judged by a juvenile court. Consequently, the child will remain with the mother as a need only if there is no other suitable person and at the discretion of the judge.

And when the child reaches the third year it will go to an institution if each juvenile court deems inappropriate the family environment of the parents. While the government says it legislates release for women with young children and with sentences not exceeding 10 years, the new penal code cancels this feature as in Article 13 paragraph 3 provides that this measure be applied ”Where the provision for an individual living space solely for the detained parent and his/her child is not possible (…) It (the competent body) can order the house arrest of the mother or father (…)”. Under house arrest it is a given that no parent can perform a parent’s duty, as the child cannot remain continuously closed in at home. It is therefore ridiculous to propose and apply such a law.

But what if the sentence exceeds 10 years? In Article 13, paragraph 3 it says that if there is no suitable place to stay for children up to 3 years old with its mother in prison and while the sentence is more than 10 years the juvenile court will decide if the child is taken by a family member or an institution. And in cases where there is no family member or they are not considered appropriate by the court, rather than improving conditions of detention they prefer to put children in institutions.

Instead of institutionalizing children, they could arrange another space for the mother to stay with her younger child up to the age of 6 – an absolute necessity for the mother – instead they provide for day visits by imprisoned parents once a month, instead legislate for overnight stays for underage children with their mothers, for example. With one visit in a two-month period, a measure that would be essential to support children themselves, they legislate against children and are vindictive and sexist to women – they abuse the law and are denying the right to maternity.

It goes without saying that no possibility of release is given to detainees whose sentences exceed 10 years, and the absence of a suitable environment for children makes definite the decision to go to the institutions.

It is obvious that the regime that existed beforehand on parents and detained minors is overturned. To date, children and their detained parents have not been involved in court proceedings to judge the environment of the child, except in exceptional cases of violence against children, or the complete inability of the environment to keep them or in the absence of relatives.

There is now a measure that has so far been applied in very special cases, for the courts and child psychiatrists to control and decide on the children’s environment, while the detained parent enters into an unfavourable and racist attitude for their ability to judge the interests of their child, such interests under Article 13 (3) will now be judged by the court.

This arrangement was announced by Justice Minister Kontonis in an interview he had given on 7/1/17 on the state TV channel, when interviewed about the treatment of our child by the state and the government with the arrest of Pola Roupa on 5 /1.

It is well known that the “exceptional” treatment of our child, who was held in GADA and specifically in the anti-terrorism department for hours under extreme secrecy, was interrogated and with a prosecution order kept guarded in a closed psychiatric clinic, is historically unique. Our child was treated as a criminal offender as a potential terrorist because it was our own child. Then, at first, it was initially attempted to remove our parental care altogether and definitively, to take away any parental relationship with our child and to break it forever, giving parental care temporarily to the social service of the hospital that kept it with the option of shutting it in an institution.

The kidnapping of the child in the psychiatric hospital ended after the hunger and thirst strike, but also the political and social outcry that it stirred up, but the State claimed through the Prosecutor’s Office of Kalamata to remove custody of our child and impose restrictive conditions on him under the supervision of the social service and child psychologists. This condition of permanent hostage that they want to impose on our child, as well as the removal of custody from us, relates to the fact that we are who we are.

In the trial that will be held on 15/11 from which we are excluded by refusing to take us to Kalamata to attend the trial, the Prosecutor’s Office of Kalamata asks us to permanently remove our custody and impose conditions on our child until he reaches the age of maturity, the imposition of permanent control by the social services and the child-psychologists. For reasons of political revenge they want to remove our custody, for reasons of revenge and on our own child, they want to impose restrictive conditions, to keep him as a hostage.

Article 13 does not provide custody to imprisoned parents, but the courts will decide which is the most appropriate environment for their care. What they have sought for our own child is clearly different and is dictated by our political choices and positions.

Article 13 introduces a new totalitarianism. The ability of the state to judge universally and to question the suitability of the parent or relatives on the basis of its own criteria. It is well known that the institutions that have the honour in the new prison code are claiming child prisoners. Obviously the financial interests behind the institutions, the most famous of which are under the auspices of well-known economically powerful individuals in Greece, are very large and the expectations for the expansion of institutions-businesses in the country are significant. It is not possible for the government to deceive people that it is legislating on the basis of the “interest of the child”, everybody understands this – since it is known that the institutions are an investment for the powerful and for specific economic interests – the interests of some powerful families in the country. It is also well known, for the most part, that many institutions are genuinely hell holes for children, who are systematically abused and sometimes “killed in the wells”.

However, in the name of the interests of ‘security’ and, in particular, of the state totalitarianism being promoted, institutions are now legally recognized as a ‘popular’ destination for the children of prisoners, and always, in ‘the child’s interest’.

Other provisions of the new Penitentiary Code are also contributing to the setting of prison conditions.

The lawful detestable vaginal check-ups for women and the incarceration of the prisoner during a physical investigation with Article 21 paragraph 7.

Article 63 (1) first regulates the use of force against detainees by prison staff in any cases such as “active or passive physical resistance to a lawful order” or “lawful defence cases”. In short, every employee can legally practice violence against any prisoner even if they show a passive refusal to execute a staff order! As for the equipment of prison staff for the means of violence, it will be provided by the prison rule under Article 63 (4). It is clear that while the use of force will be provided for by the prison services themselves and at the will of the individual guards, the use of force by police forces and the special guards is legislated in the same article, and in cases of group disobedience, such as the mobilizations of prisoners when they refuse to enter their cells it will be handed out, (article 63, para. 2). Legislation on the abolition of protests and mobilizations of detainees introduced by this correctional code is one of the most totalitarian features of the history of prisons in the country. Along with the legalization of the use of force as provided, the conversion of all prisons into disciplinary cultures is rooted in the most explicit way, while the right to protest is criminalized.

On the basis of Article 63 and in conjunction with Article 11 (6) (a), detainees will be placed under special detention if they participate in mobilizations or, most importantly, if they are potent, since in any event they will be suppressed with violence.

The right of prisoners’ leave is to be abused for many categories of detainees, and sentences for acts of violence exceeding 15 years ( Article 53 (2 ) (d ) will be excluded from this right. In these cases involving hundreds of prisoners, leave will not be given and the prisoners will be in danger of being in a closed prison even until the end of their sentence.

And while Justice Minister Kontonis defends “equal treatment of prisoners in the face of the law” he legislates for discrimination based on the offence, refusing leave and release for certain categories of prisoners, such as those incarcerated for 15 year sentences and above for acts of violence, including those falling under 187A. And it is not about the specific measure for example drug dealers. We mention this example because he has publicly stated that he has intervened in a court decision to refuse to interrupt a prisoner’s sentence because he considered it unfair to decide the interruption of a sentence for a drug dealer rather than for a specific prisoner. He is extremely selective not only in his interventions but also in the way he is legislating now. And he is the first minister to legislate for discrimination on the basis of the offence, but also on the basis of specific persons.

Let us remind ourselves that he is the same minister who publicly defended the special treatment of our child, for which a number of laws were violated, he finally defended the treatment of our child, a six-year-old child, and defended his treatment as a “criminal offender” and his confinement to the psychiatric hospital.

In any case, the new penitentiary code wants to promote the end of prison protests, to introduce violence, punishment and revenge on detainees without room for protest, especially through articles that provide for special quarantine conditions.

A new regime of extermination of a special category of prisoners is introduced in the article. 11 (6) (e) and (4) of that Article. As far as political prisoners are concerned, the continued pressure to legislate on denial of leave and release without a statement of repentance reduces political prisoners to a special category for political reasons, since the extraordinary treatment concerns the motivation that is political rather than personal.

And such pressure as these measures to exclude political prisoners in prison are those which power wants to pass is in the direction of destroying all political resistance against the regime. The status of the oligarchy of the rich and their political co-soldiers who are responsible for the death, extermination and misery of millions of people in the country and for these crimes, for the terrorism they are practising, no one will pay.

On the contrary, those who struggle against their criminal, murderous regime must be exterminated.

The invocation of cases where prisoners violate the law when they left prison under the Paraskevopoulos law[3] is devoid of substance, since the type and intensity of social crime is not defined by the time of imprisonment, but by the wider social and economic conditions.

While the increasingly harsh conditions of detention will guarantee the return of detainees to delinquency, and even in more fierce forms of detention, since the tendency for revenge will coexist.

To the extent that poverty and regime violence at the expense of the social majority is increasing by dismantling social cohesion, killing social solidarity and turning the social base into a jungle, it is assumed that social crime will not only grow but will become more and more violent. The status of the “war of all against all” is imposed by the economic and political system itself. Since the elimination of crime presupposes the treatment of the causes that give birth to it and because the cause of the crime is the very system of capitalism, the state and the junta of the markets, the only way to effectively tackle crime at the basis of society is another type of social organization based on economic equality and political freedom.

Through Article 11 (4) and (6), it is clear that it is determined that we will be placed in a regime of permanent isolation from other prisoners while aiming at removing the possibility of trial. Nikos Maziotis is already in isolation status for the last 4 months for reasons we have outlined in texts published last July and September. Obviously, the imposition of a total isolation regime for Maziotis has “whetted the appetite” of the ministry to establish this treaty by law and to impose it on Pola, as she has taken responsibility the attempt to break out political prisoners from Korydallos.

The left-wing government, specializing in introducing and promoting divisions within resistance spaces and within political prisoners themselves, is certain that these measures will not apply to all those detained for involvement in armed activities. There will be clear discrimination among those who the government and the state always judge for their behaviour, especially their politics. As far as we are concerned, it is clear that we are the top priorities of the government’s war. And we will be the ones the government wants to pass these new measures upon.

But they will not just stay with us. It is certain that any exceptional measure applied to the political opponents of the regime will be broadened in their application to other categories of people.

Flagging the phrase “for the country’s security and public order”, the Syriza-ANEL government introduces new regimes of exclusion and isolation, as well as the most restrictive terms of detention for anyone recognized as a political threat.

The regime of modern parliamentary and economically powerful oligarchs does not recognize the existence of political opponents, it characterizes them as “terrorists” and condemns them with 187A to severe punishments. Once again, provisions are introduced for their slow destruction through the return of isolation and special conditions of detention. At the same time, both the media and the regime politicians howl about the treatment of the Junta and demanded that this regime be extended to a life long treatment, so as not to let the political opponents of the regime out of prison. It is obscene to draw a parallel with the Junta who imposed fascism on the whole country, who killed, tortured thousands of people, and sent tanks to the Polytechnic in 1973, and killed the insurgents in revolt in any other case.

As we have already said, Revolutionary Struggle has for years been an important priority in the repressive state policy. We know that we are also an important political target for the regime, given the choice of struggle we have made. However, the totalitarianism introduced by the new prison code and the incessant measures of control and pressure on prisoners promotes a new type of universal censure and social racism in prisons in order to make the pursuit of detainees more effective and on terms that will even go as far as their crushing if the state deems it necessary for its security.

In a pro-government newspaper we read in regard to the new prison code, titled “Prisons not sweat shops”, that the supposed pillar of the new code is the principle that “the only restriction imposed on the prisoners is on their movement.” No matter how the government’s parrots tried to beautify the new law they can not reverse the truth: It is a legal monstrosity that introduces the “modernization” of prisons to the country turning them into crematoriums for many detainees according to the specifications laid down by the new totalitarian regime imposed on the whole of society.

It is in “absolute harmony” with the modern junta of markets, supranational capital and government-puppets in Greece. It is in “absolute harmony” with the supervision and social subordination to the supranational power centres. With policies of social genocide for the social base, subordination and total control for all, to ensure the smooth reproduction of the criminal economic and political system. No social resistance, no political threat. And it is clear that while the regime imposes these conditions on society, and while politically threatening adversaries do not exist, the totalitarianism that will pass as a juggernaut through society will not leave the prisoners out of their sight.

The new penitentiary code and the threat of the detention conditions it imposes are a cause of struggle for all prisoners, and it does enough to “raise” the request to withdraw all the articles mentioned in the text, which for us are weapons of revenge and punishment against thousands of prisoners.

But we have already said they will not let the new Type C prisons and prisoners’ extermination schemes pass over us.

So we commence a HUNGER STRIKE today Saturday, November 11th with the following demands:

To withdraw the provision in Article 11 para, 6 pt. E and para. 4 in the same article regarding the detention in police stations. Do not bring back the Type C prison regime. Immediately release Nikos Maziotis from the isolation in which he is held by a decision of the ministry since last July.

Introduce adjustment to the correctional code for the easing of visitor hours based on the frequency of visits a prisoner has. For example, a prisoner who has one hour per month visit or cannot at all extend the time of the meeting.

There should be a special meeting room for parents to meet with their children (there is no such place in the Korydallos men’s prison) and when the frequency of meetings is rare, the meeting time should increase accordingly.

In our case the visits with our child, take place once a month due to distance and the time of one hour that is imposed is a mockery for the child. Also other visitors than that, we do not get at all. Everyone in prison knows this condition and the frequency of visits is written in the prison books.

The prosecutor of the prison refused to extend the time to meet with our child while they are aware of everything and insist on one hour per month, a decision directly against the child itself as it completely discredits our meeting. Potentially with 1 hour it is desired to completely cancel the meetings with our child.

In order to achieve even the bare minimum to meet the needs of our child to communicate with us due to the inability to visit us often we request:

· Visiting with our child to last at least three hours.
· Visiting between us two hours.
· Similar arrangements are provided for similar cases and should be extended to the minimum time for parents’ meetings with their children.

During the hunger strike we must be given a telephone conversation with our child and our lawyers.

We state from the outset that we will not receive serum when hospitalized, we will only receive water throughout the strike and do not think of force feeding us.

Pola Roupa – Nikos Maziotis,

Members of Revolutionary Struggle

[1] Type C prisons: maximum security prisons introduced in 2014 under the Samaras government which placed prisoners, mainly political prisoners, in special isolation units. Elements of these prisons were removed in 2015.

[2] 187A is the article of the Greek criminal code on the formation of criminal organizations, it is the main charge brought against members and suspected members of guerrilla groups.

[3] Paraskevopoulos law was brought in during the prisoners’ hunger strike in 2015 and grants early release for some prisoners in the hope of easing prison overcrowding.

Pola Roupa and Nikos Maziotis, imprisoned members of Revolutionary Struggle on hunger strike (Greece)

Greetings to and Solidarity with the Militant Revolutionary Prisoners

The biannual conference of the RHI took place from 11. to 12. November 2017.

We currently face adverse conditions as the system implements war, repression and a reactionary mobilization of the masses. This hardship coerces us to reconnect and recompose class forces so that they can be comprehensible in immediate struggles and demonstrate a perspective. Concerning this, the RHI sees itself confirmed in its work and role. Even more than this, the RHI is currently experiencing a phase of development and progress.

More and more frequently, the sections of the RHI find themselves in the midst of junctions of class confrontations when conducting their campaigns. The campaign for the liberation of Georges Abdallah experienced a leap of quality in this year with the participation of the Palestinian organization Samidoun. This allowed mobilizations from Palestine to New York during the international week of actions between the 14. and 21. October. Many cities in Europe and the Middle East participated. Georges and his actions in Palestine, Libanon and Europe are illustrative for the confrontation with imperialism. A confrontation that reaches into the banlieues of the megacities.

This phenomenon is reproduced in the revolutionary process surrounding the resistance of the progressive Turkish and Kurdish forces. A process of freedom and socialist nature. It is also the only alliance that stands against the hell which the imperialist forces and the local reactionary regimes have unleashed. The experience of the International Freedom Bataillons is a wonderful expression and representative of this. They stand in a historical line with the international brigades of the Spanish Republic. The RHI supports them and has a constructive and dialectic relationship with them. The RHI does not conceal the contradictions or the limitations which are founded in the balance of power (pressure by all imperialists and the reactionary regimes of the region), but aims to support the development of the revolutionary forces. The campaign for hemostatic ‘Celox’ developed this way. It is a very successful campaign with a lot of potential in the development of solidarity with a progressing revolution. It is under these circumstances that the relationship with a Turkish organization that has long been part of the RHI has become even stronger.

Near this bubbling cauldron, the Greek revolutionary movement is another point of reference. During the tumultuous crisis that unfolded across the country it could participate in the wavelike mass struggles and contribute radical elements for a revolutionary perspective. The movement could not yet make a qualitative leap as a union to equip the determination for confrontation with programmatic and adequate strategic elements. The field remains fruitful and the imprisoned comrades are exemplary for this. The RHI has a very good and dialectic political relationship of solidarity with them. Just now, as we write these lines, Nikos Maziotis and Pola Roupa (militants of ‘Revolutionary Struggle’) have begun a hunger strike to highlight the conditions of their imprisonment and discuss them in a political document.

A campaign has begun in Italy in support of militants of the BR-PCC who are imprisoned under the conditions of article 41bis. A lot has been done by antagonistic groups against these conditions of imprisonment because they are a heavy form of torture and aim to destroy the prisoners. The RHI will focus on the application of this article against advanced revolutionary forces and organizations of struggle. It is a necessity to support these prisoners and transport their value back to reality to create a connection with the forms of repression against mass struggles which are employed systematically today. The RHI can intervene to the benefit of a class front which stands against repression and for the development of the movement.

The days in Hamburg were a huge moment of development and experience. With all of the confrontation on the streets, on the squares and later in the prisons against a broad repression by the German state, the leader of all European counterrevolutionary and imperialist politics. Here too a field for contacts and closeness opens between imprisoned militants from different levels of organization. A diversity that reflects the different steps which are necessary for the development and construction of a revolutionary force to be able to confront the current situation.

To summarize, this confirms that the prisoners represent the interior of the class movement and the revolutionary tendency. The RHI is proud to continue this work, to support and guarantee the struggle for this connection and the contributions of the militant prisoners.

We send them our warmest hugs and all our closeness and solidarity! 




Conference of the Red Help International

Zürich November 2017

Aktionswochen: Free Nekane! /// Weeks of Action: Free Nekane!

Vom 15. – 30. September 2017

Nekane Txapartegi ist eine baskische revolutionäre Feministin, Aktivistin und Journalistin. Nach Jahren im Untergrund wurde sie am 6. April 2016 in Zürich verhaftet. Grund dafür war ein spanischer Auslieferungsantrag. Seither ist Nekane in Zürich inhaftiert. Vor ihrer Flucht aus dem Baskenland wurde Nekane 1999 von der spanischen paramilitärischen Polizei Guardia Civil entführt. Fünf Tage lang musste sie die Incomunicado-Haft, ohne Kontakt zu einem Anwalt, einer Ärztin ihres Vertrauens oder ihren Angehörigen, ertragen. Während dieser Zeit wurde sie massiv gefoltert und vergewaltigt. Mit Schlägen, Tritten, einer Scheinhinrichtung und Vergewaltigung wurde von ihr ein falsches Geständnis erpresst. Auf der Grundlage der unter Folter erzwungenen Aussagen wurde Nekane 2007 in einem Massenprozess gegen baskische Linke zu einer mehrjährigen Haftstrafe wegen „Unterstützung einer terroristischen Vereinigung“ verurteilt. Um sich dem Zugriff der spanischen Klassenjustiz zu entziehen, tauchte Nekane ab. Die Schergen des spanischen Staates verfolgten sie bis nach Zürich, wo sie im Frühling des letzten Jahres dann durch die mit Spanien kooperierende Schweizer Polizei verhaftet wurde.

Parallel zum Auslieferungsverfahren läuft auch ein Asylverfahren. Doch die zuständigen Behörden haben sich in erster Instanz trotz belegter Folter für eine Auslieferung und gegen Asyl entschieden. Letzten Monat hat sich nun auch eine weitere Instanz für eine Auslieferung an Spanien ausgesprochen, wobei sich das Gericht auf eine vermeintliche „demokratische Tradition“ Spaniens stützt.

Seit der Verhaftung von Nekane hat sich schweizweit eine breite Solidaritätskampagne formiert. Nach diesem weiteren für Nekane negativen Entscheid ist Solidarität und eine entschlossene Antwort wichtiger denn je! Deshalb wird vom 15. bis 30. September zu Aktionstagen für die Freiheit von Nekane aufgerufen. In dieser Zeit werden in verschiedenen Schweizer Städten Aktionen, Veranstaltungen, etc. durchgeführt. Die Aktionstage enden am 30. September mit einer Demonstration in Zürich.

Beteiligt euch in euren Städten an den Aktionstagen für die Freiheit von Nekane!

Free Nekane and all political prisoners!


Weeks of Action: Free Nekane!

From 15 – 30 September 2017

Nekane Txapartegi is a Basque revolutionary feminist, activist and journalist. After year of living in illegality she was arrested in Zürich on 6.4.2016. The reason for her arrest is a Spanish appeal for extradition. She is imprisoned in Zürich since then.

Before she fled the Basque country, she was kidnapped by the Spanish paramilitary police Guardia Civil in 1999. She had to endure the „Incomunicado“ imprisonment for five days without any contact to lawyers, doctors or her relatives. She was heavily tortured and raped during these days. They forced a fake confession out of her with beatings, kicks, a fake execution and rape. Because of this confession which was obtained by torture, Nekane was sentenced to years in prison in a mass trial against the Basque left because of „support of a terrorist association“. She fled into illegality to evade the Spanish class justice. The henchmen of the Spanish state followed her to Zürich where she was arrested in the spring of last year by the Swiss police who cooperated with Spain.

Parallel to the trial regarding her extradition there is also a trial regarding political asylum. But the public authorities of the first instance decided for extradition and against asylum despite proven torture. Last month, another judicial instance decided in favor of an extradition to Spain, citing the „democratic tradition“ of Spain.

Since Nekane‘s arrest, a broad campaign of solidarity formed in Switzerland. Solidarity is more important than ever after this negative judicial decision and a decisive response is necessary! That is why we call for days of action for the freedom of Nekane from the 15. to the 30. September. There will be all kinds of actions, meetings, etc. in Swiss cities. The days of action will end on the 30. September with a demonstration in Zürich.

Participate in the days of action for the freedom of Nekane!

Free Nekane and all political prisoners!


Semaines d’action: Liberté pour Nekane!

Du 15 au 30 septembre 2017

Nekane Txapartegi est une féministe, militante et journaliste
révolutionnaire basque. Après une année passée dans la clandestinité,
elle a été arrêtée à Zurich le 6 avril 2016. La raison de son
arrestation est une demande d’extradition venue de L’État Espagnol, elle
est emprisonnée à Zurich depuis.

Avant de fuir le Pays-Basque, elle a été enlevée par la Guardia Civil,
police paramilitaire espagnole, en 1999. Elle a enduré un emprisonnement
“secret” (“Incomunicado”) pendant 5 jours sans aucun contact avec un
avocat, un médecin ou ses proches. Elle a été lourdement torturée et
violée durant cette détention. Ils lui ont arraché une fausse confession
en la battant, en lui donnant des coups de pieds, en organisant une
fausse exécution et en la violant. A cause de cet aveux obtenu sous la
torture, Nekane a été condamnée à plusieurs années de prison lors d’un
procès de masse contre la gauche basque pour “Soutien à une organisation
terroriste”. Elle est passée dans la clandestinité pour fuir la justice
de classe espagnole. Les partisans de l’État Espagnol l’ont suivi
jusqu’à Zurich où elle a été arrêtée au printemps de l’année dernière
par la police suisse collaborant avec l’État Espagnol.

En parallèle au procès concernant son extradition, il y a également un
procès concernant son statut de réfugiée politique. Mais les autorités
publiques de la première instance ont décidé de son extradition et
contre son statut de réfugiée, malgré que la torture ait été prouvée. Le
mois dernier, une autre instance judiciaire a pris une décision en
faveur de son extradition vers l’État Espagnol, citant la “tradition
démocratique” de celui-ci.

Depuis l’arrestation de Nekane, une large campagne de solidarité s’est
formée en Suisse. La solidarité est plus importante que jamais après
cette décision de justice négative. Une réponse décisive est nécessaire
! C’est pourquoi nous appelons pour des journées d’action pour la
libération de Nekane du 15 au 30 septembre. Il y a aura plusieurs types
d’actions, de meetings, etc. dans les villes de Suisse. Les journées
d’action s’achèveront le 30 septembre par une manifestation à Zurich.

Participez aux journées d’action pour la libération de Nekane!

Liberté pour Nekane et pour tous les prisonniers politiques!


Nekane Txapartegi es una activista feminista y periodista vasca y revolucionaria. Después de años de vida clandestina fue detenida el 6 de abril 2016 en Zurich. La razón de ello fue una solicitud de extradición del gobierno español. Desde entonces sigue encarcelada en Zurich. Antes de su huida del País Vasco en 1999 Nekane fue secuestrada de la Guardia Civil. Sufrió cinco días incomunicada, sin contacto ni con una abogada ni con un médico de confianza ni nadie de su familia. En estos días fue torturada y violada atrozmente. Con pegos, patadas, una ejecución silmilada y la violación forzaron una supuesta confesión obtenida bajo la fuerza. Basado en esta confesión forzada Nekane fue condenada en un juicio sumario contra la Izquierda Vasca a varios años de carcel por ‚ayuda a un grupo terrorista’.

Para evitar la justicia española de clase, Nekane se fugó a la clandestinidad. Los esbirros del Estado español la persiguieron hasta Zurich, donde la policía suiza que colabora con España la detuvo en la primavera del año pasado.Al mismo tiempo que la solicitud de extradición está pendiente una demanda de asilo. Pero las autoridades responsables consintieron en primera instancia a una extradición y en contra de la demanda de asilo a pesar de la tortura comprobada.El mes pasado la proxima instancia también favoreció la extradición y el tribunal se refirió a la ‚tradición democrática’ de España.

Desde el momento de la dentención de Nekane se ha formado en Suiza, en todo el país una campaña de solidariedad muy amplia. ¡ Después de la recién decisión negativa para Nekane es cada vez de mayor importancia una respuesta decidida y solidaria!Por eso se declaran jornadas de acción del 18 al 30 de septiembre para la libertad de Nekane. Habrá reuniones, actos y más en varias ciudades de Suiza. Las jornadas terminarán con una manifestación el 30 de septiembre en Zurich.

¡ Partipad e involucraos en vuestras ciudades en las jornadas y actos para la libertad de Nekane!

¡ Libertad para Nekane y todos los presos políticos!



Palästina: PFLP Prison Branch urges action and unity to support Palestinian prisoners engaged in the battle for dignity

Palestinian Prisoners’ Day is a day of challenge and confrontation, emphasizing the issue of prisoners

On the occasion of Palestinian Prisoners’ Day, we salute every prisoner, the heroes and heroines of the battles of will and steadfastness, to every flower and cub, to the sick prisoners, administrative detainees and imprisoned leaders, led by the imprisoned General Secretary, Comrade Ahmad Sa’adat, Marwan Barghouthi, Hassan Salameh, Wajdi Jawdat, Anas Jaradat, Bassam Kandaji and the long line of leaders who represent the national struggle and the prisoners’ cause.

On this occasion, we make a particular salute to the martyrs of the prisoners movement and to all of those engaged in confrontation and the struggle for victory. We are firmly committed to see each battle of confrontation with the Prison Service and its instruments of repression and intelligence agencies as a collective battle. Every action initiated by any faction is all of our battle.

We also congratulate the longest-serving woman prisoner, Lena Jarbouni, on this occasion of her freedom after 15 years in Israeli jails.

In this context, we affirm that we stand hand in hand and shoulder to shoulder in any struggle waged by the prisoners, and we consider the decision to engage in the battle of dignity and honor against the jailer, beginning on Monday, April 17, Palestinian Prisoners’ Day 2017, to be one which we support and which we are part of. This comes in two ways, both through the decisions and guidelines for the comrades to engage in the battle, and through approving a program of support for the strike in all prisons and among our comrades outside.

In this context of high appreciation and support for this battle and all the heroic prisoners who will engage in it, we affirm our continued struggle for the unity of the prisoners’ movement and the escalation of confrontation against the prison administration.

Thus, we call on all the Palestinian people and their supporters and friends around the world to stand side by side with the prisoners in their continuing battles inside the prisons, escalating the mass movement to support the battle of wills, challenge and confrontation, and to once again reaffirm the centrality of the cause of the prisoners.

We also call upon all human rights, humanitarian and media institutions to support our prisoners in order to develop a unified national program at all levels for more effective results.

We call upon the leaders of the Palestinian people to make unremitting efforts to uphold their responsibility for the prisoners and the martyrs and do everything possible to defend them and support their steadfastness until victory in the ongoing battles against the prison service, through all forms of action for their liberation.

On this occasion, we urge all to close ranks in the field of national unity and urge our Front, all of the national and Islamic forces and factions and the masses of our people to devote their efforts and time in service of the cause of the prisoners.

We hope that the culmination of all of these battles waged by the prisoners inside the prisons, with the popular support inside and outside Palestine, will be to unify the prisoners’ movement, in light of the traditions and norms established by the prisoners’ movement for over 50 years, of prisons as revolutionary schools which unite all forces behind revolutionary national ideals.

We urge all actions and intensified work in the Palestinian, Arab and international arenas, everyhere in the world in support of the prisoners’ cause.

Salutes of Palestinian Prisoners’ Day – Glory to the martyrs – Freedom for the prisoners of freedom

Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine
Prison Branch
April 16, 2017

Türkei/Kurdistan: Prisoners end the hunger strike on KCK’s call

Political prisoners have ended the massive hunger strike in Turkish jails on the call issued by KCK yesterday.

In a statement on behalf of PKK (Kurdistan Worker’s Party) and PAJK (Kurdistan Women’s Liberation Party, Partiya Azadiya Jin a Kurdistan) prisoners, Deniz Kaya announced that they have ended the massive hunger strike in Turkish jails, which continues in Şakran since February 15, on the call issued by KCK (Kurdistan Communities Union) Executive Council Co-Presidency yesterday.

Deniz Kaya said: “We salute all our people, democratic circles and everyone that acted with sensitivity and supported our resistance. We state hereby that we will continue our resistance with greater actions in the event that the AKP-MHP dirty alliance continues its isolation on our Leader, the political genocide operations against our people and rights violations in prisons.

We are ending our indefinite and non-alternate hunger strike in all prisons, which is on day 64 in Şakran, upon the call of KCK Co-Presidency. We salute all our jailed comrades who took part in this action of resistance, and we reiterate our debt of gratitude to our people.”

In yesterday’s statement, KCK Executive Council Co-Presidency said that:

“With this action, prisoners have strengthened the democracy struggle against AKP-MHP fascism, thus leaving no more need to continue this resistance. Trusting that the highlighted issues will be followed up and this struggle will be continued in other ways and methods, we ask them to end the indefinite-irreversible hunger strike. The demands of resisting prisoners became the demands of our Freedom Movement, people and the public opinion. Our responsibility for the end of the pressures in İmralı and all other prisons will be fulfilled in a more sensitive way from now on.

The practices in İmralı and prisons and pressures on our people and democratic politics came into prominence further and become public knowledge with this resistance. Our people, democratic public opinion and we ourselves will follow up the issues highlighted by resisting prisoners, and make the necessary effort to this end. In this scope, the action that has reached death’s threshold must be ended immediately.

Should there be no favorable developments on the highlighted issues, it will be up to the will of resisting prisoners to go into action in a more planned and organized manner in the future. On this basis, we once again salute their action and call on them to end it, with the confidence that they have reached their goal.”

Türkei/Kurdistan: KCK calls on prisoners to end the hunger strike

KCK called on prisoners on indefinite-irreversible hunger strike in Turkish jails to end their action, stating that they have achieved their goal by strengthening the democracy struggle against AKP-MHP fascism.

KCK (Kurdistan Communities Union) Executive Council Co-Presidency released a statement regarding the indefinite-irreversible hunger strike of political prisoners that has reached day 63.

KCK recalled that 300 prisoners are on indefinite-irreversible hunger strike and thousands of others are on alternate hunger strike demanding an end to the isolation of Kurdish People’s Leader Abdullah Öcalan, fascist attacks on the Kurdish people, political genocide operations against democratic politics and pressures in prisons.

Stressing that such an extensive action by prisoners is a result of the AKP-MHP fascist government’s escalation of practices in İmralı and all prisons based on Kurdish enmity KCK said: “Prisoners did not remain silent in the face of the pressures and persecution of our people as they have done in all periods. These prisoners who dedicated their lives to the freedom struggle have put up their revolutionary will by challenging death in the face of pressures. Our people, as always, have stood with their revolutionary children and supported this resistance.

The statement continued: “With the support of the people and democratic circles for the resistance of prisoners, the reasons for this action, i.e. the isolation in İmralı, pressures in prisons, political genocide operations against democratic politics and the fascist attacks on the people, have been brought to the agenda to the extent it was meant to, and they have thus achieved their goal.

With this action, prisoners have strengthened the democracy struggle against AKP-MHP fascism, thus leaving no more need to continue this resistance. Trusting that the highlighted issues will be followed up and this struggle will be continued in other ways and methods, we ask them to end the indefinite-irreversible hunger strike. The demands of resisting prisoners became the demands of our Freedom Movement, people and the public opinion. Our responsibility for the end of the pressures in İmralı and all other prisons will be fulfilled in a more sensitive way from now on.

The practices in İmralı and prisons and pressures on our people and democratic politics came into prominence further and become public knowledge with this resistance. Our people, democratic public opinion and we ourselves will follow up the issues highlighted by resisting prisoners, and make the necessary effort to this end. In this scope, the action that has reached death’s threshold must be ended immediately.

Should there be no favorable developments on the highlighted issues, it will be up to the will of resisting prisoners to go into action in a more planned and organized manner in the future. On this basis, we once again salute their action and call on them to end it, with the confidence that they have reached their goal.”