Monthly Archives: March 2016

Zwischenkonferenz 2016: Grussbotschaft der RHI

Die Rote Hilfe International grüsst alle kämpfenden politischen Gefangenen!

In Zürich fanden sich die Mitglieder der Roten Hilfe International zur jährlich stattfindenden Zwischenkonferenz ein. Es beteiligten sich die Gruppen aus Belgien, Deutschland, Italien, der Türkei / Kurdistan sowie der Schweiz. Ausserdem besuchten internationale Gäste aus Italien, Griechenland und Rojava die diesjährige Konferenz. Sie vermittelten Eindrücke und Analysen ihrer jeweiligen lokalen Kämpfe, diskutierten gemeinsam mit den Gruppen der Roten Hilfe International über ihre politische Situation und Perspektiven und teilten ihre Erfahrungen mit. Wir sehen dies als konkreten Beitrag zur internationalen Vernetzung revolutionärer Projekte, auf dass gemeinsam Perspektiven verteidigt, entwickelt und vorangetrieben werden.

Nikos Maziotis, Mitglied des Revolutionären Kampf in Griechenland, grüsste mit einem Brief die Konferenz und schilderte darin den versuchten Ausbruchversuch am 24. Februar von ihm und anderen politischen Gefangenen. Dieser Versuch scheiterte nur aufgrund ungünstiger Zufälle. Die GenossInnen aus Griechenland schilderten die aktuelle politische Situation sowie diejenige der Gefangenen. Sie riefen dazu auf, beim anstehenden Prozess am 20. April, wo Gefangene verschiedenster politischer Tendenzen vor die Schranken der Justiz treten sollen, sich solidarisch zu verhalten.

Italienische GenossInnen berichteten über die Arbeitskämpfe in den Fabriken. Angesichts der Reformpakete der Regierung, des Verrats der Gewerkschaften und Parteien sowie der Repression gegen Kampfversuche der ArbeiterInnen, freute es uns zu hören, dass junge Militante sich vermehrt der revolutionären italienischen Geschichte annehmen. Hier stellt sich die Frage, wie dieser rote Faden wieder aufgenommen werden kann, in der Tradition der Verbindung der Kämpfe in den Fabriken mit den Kämpfen der Bewegung.

Mit dem Besuch eines Militanten aus Rojava wurde der Bedeutung des Kampfes und des politischen Projekts in Rojava für die revolutionäre Bewegung weltweit Rechnung getragen. Die Situation in Rojava macht deutlich, dass die Revolution auch heute möglich und konkret ist. Strukturen wie das Internationale Freiheitsbattaillon unterstreichen die Bedeutung der internationalen Solidarität in dieser Auseinandersetzung. Es gilt Antworten zu finden wie wir die Perspektiven dort mit dem Kampf hier verbinden können.

Ausführlich wurde auch über die sich zuspitzende Situation in der Türkei / Kurdistan diskutiert, wobei es auch um die Kollaboration mit der Europäischen Union ging. Die tiefe Krise des kapitalistischen Systems und die dadurch verstärkten Widersprüche zeigen sich in den Kämpfen der revolutionären türkischen / kurdischen Bewegung. Sie stellt sich den Angriffen entschlossen entgegen, versucht den Spiess umzudrehen und in der Kriegssituation eine revolutionäre Dynamik zu entwickeln.

Verteidigen wir die revolutionären Gefangenen und deren politische Projekte, machen wir unsere internationale Solidarität zu einer Waffe! Schlagen wir die Angriffe zurück und drehen wir den Spiess um, so dass wir aus der Defensive in die Offensive kommen!

Wir grüßen euch mit unserer revolutionären und internationalistischer Wärme.

Kapitalismus zerschlagen! Internationale Klassensolidarität aufbauen!
Rote Hilfe International

27. März 2016

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Message of solidarity of the Red Help International

The Red Help International greets all fighting political prisoners!

The members of the Red Help International met in Zurich for the annual interim conference. Groups from Belgium, Turkey / Kurdistan, Germany, Italy and Switzerland participated. Additionally, guests from Italy, Greece and Rojava visited this year’s conference. They conveyed impressions and analyses from their local struggles, discussed their political situations and perspectives with the members of the Red Help International  and let us learn from their experiences. We see this as a practical contribution to the connection of revolutionary projects internationally so that perspectives can be defended, developed, and advanced together.

Nikos Maziotis, member of Revolutionary Struggle in Greece, greeted the conference with a letter in which he talked of the failed escape on February 24th of him and other political prisoners. The attempt only failed because of unfortunate circumstances. Comrades from Greece talked of the current political situation and of that of the prisoners. They called for actions of solidarity when a trial against prisoners of different political tendencies begins on April 20th.

Italian comrades spoke of workers struggles in factories. Faced with reform packages of the government, betrayal of unions and parties, and repression against attempts of struggle of the workers, we were glad to learn that young militants are increasingly interested in the revolutionary history of Italy. The question remains how this history can be continued whilst upholding the tradition of connecting struggles in factories with those of the movements.

By inviting a militant from Rojava, we acknowledged the importance of the struggle and political project of Rojava for the global revolutionary movement. As the situation in Rojava shows, a revolution is possible today. Structures such as the International Freedom Brigade underline the importance of international solidarity in this conflict. We must find answers as to how we can connect our struggle here with the perspectives there.

We also discussed the escalating situation in Turkey / Kurdistan, where the collaboration of the European Union was also a topic. The deep crisis of the capitalist system and increased contradictions are reflected in the struggle of the revolutionary Turkish / Kurdish movement. This movements stands against all attacks, tries to turn the tables on the enemy, and aims to develop a revolutionary dynamic in the current situation of war.

Let us defend the revolutionary prisoners and their political projects, let us make international solidarity into a weapon! We shall fend off attacks and find our way from a defense to an offense!

We salute you with revolutionary and internationalist warmth.

Smash capitalism! Construct international class solidarity!
Red Help International
27. March 2016

Greece: Revolutionary Struggle member Nikos Maziotis on the escape attempt and life sentence

Text of Nikos Maziotis about the operation of escape from Koridallos prison and the sentence of life imprisonment handed down in the 2nd Revolutionary Struggle trial

The attempt to escape from Koridallos prison by helicopter on February 21st 2016 – an operation carried out by comrade Pola Roupa, member of Revolutionary Struggle – was a revolutionary act, a guerrilla action for the liberation of political prisoners. It was a means of continuation of Revolutionary Struggle’s activity, a response to the State’s repressive operations against our organisation and other political prisoners, comrades who are in prison for armed activity as well. It was therefore an exemplary solidarity act of great and unique importance. The prison escape operation was a step towards continuing armed revolutionary activity; promoting the struggle for the overthrow of the State and Capital; overturning the establishment’s policy of bailout programs imposed by the troika of the country’s supranational bosses, the EC, ECB and IMF, to which the ESM has been added with the enactment and implementation of the third memorandum program by the SYRIZA-led government. Armed struggle in the present circumstances is more timely and necessary than ever. The failure of this operation won’t bend us. We will struggle as long as we live and breathe.

Revolutionary Struggle has proven that it has remained standing over the years, despite successive repressive blows and sacrifices: the blood of comrade Lambros Foundas, who was killed on March 10th 2010 in a shootout with police in the district of Dafni, Athens, during a preparatory action of the organisation; our arrests a month later, April 10th 2010, on the eve of Greece’s signing of the first memorandum; my arrest on July 16th 2014 in Monastiraki, Athens, where I was injured following a chase and shootout with police. Revolutionary Struggle remained standing because we undertook political responsibility for our participation in the organisation – in Greece, we were the first armed revolutionary and anarchist organisation to do so – and because we defended our history, the organisation’s actions and our comrade Lambros Foundas, who gave his life so that the memorandum wouldn’t pass; to turn the crisis into an opportunity for social revolution. We remained standing as an organisation because we didn’t mind paying the cost and price, because we didn’t turn ourselves into betrayers or deserters, because none of us tried to save one’s own skin at the moment of repression. It’s precisely because we claimed political responsibility that we stayed alive as an organisation in prison in 2010–11. We gave a political battle against the enemy in the 1st special court. Once released from prison after 18 months in pretrial detention, we chose not to surrender ourselves to imminent imprisonment and went underground instead, to continue armed struggle and the organisation’s activity.

The attack of Revolutionary Struggle – Commando Lambros Foundas on April 10th 2014 against the Bank of Greece, a branch of the ECB – one of the most popularly-hated organisations that make up the quartet of supranational bosses – but also a building that housed the office of the IMF’s permanent representative in Greece, annulled the 2010 repressive operation, and continued the organisation’s strategy that was launched in 2009 with the attacks on Citibank’s headquarters and one of its branches, a Eurobank’s branch and the Athens Stock Exchange. For years Revolutionary Struggle is faced with the spearhead of state repression, since the issue of dealing with the organisation and generally armed revolutionary activity is a major priority for the survival of the establishment, seeking to eliminate the internal enemy for the smooth enforcement and implementation of bailout programs, which constitute policies of social genocide and cleansing of parts of the population.

In 2007, the U.S. Department of State and the Greek State placed bounties of 1 million dollars and 800 thousand euros, respectively, after the organisation’s attack with an anti-tank RPG at the U.S. Embassy in Athens. In 2010, the Papandreou government celebrated our arrests, and a government official stated that they prevented a blow that would end the economy, on the eve of the signing of the first memorandum and amid fear of Greek economy’s collapse. In 2014, after we had gone into clandestinity and had been sentenced to 50 years imprisonment by the 1st special court, the Samaras government placed a bounty of 2 million euros on our heads – one million on comrade Roupa and another million on me. My arrest, three months after Revolutionary Struggle’s attack against the Bank of Greece, was celebrated by Greek authorities. U.S. officials congratulated them on my recapture and made statements on political stability. Special measures were implemented after my arrest and, in December 2014, I was transferred to the newly-inaugurated type C maximum security prison, this being the first such transfer of a political prisoner, already preannounced since my recapture. In April 2015, I was included in the list of “international terrorists” designated by State Department, even though I was in prison. The authorities have now unleashed a manhunt to arrest comrade Roupa. All this demonstrates that combating Revolutionary Struggle holds great significance for the establishment. That is, repression against Revolutionary Struggle and implementation of memoranda, together with the establishment’s political stability, go hand in hand.

Last link in the chain of the establishment’s repression against Revolutionary Struggle is the decision of the 2nd trial against the organisation, a few days after the prison escape attempt. I was sentenced to life imprisonment for the bombing attack against the Bank of Greece, plus 129 years for two expropriations of bank branches and shooting of cops who persecuted me in Monastiraki. The imposition of the severest possible sentence for the organisation’s attack against the country’s bosses is a conscious political decision and not just a procedural exaggeration. As I have already stated, this decision aims not to terrorise me – because they know I am and will remain unrepentant – but those who’ll want to opt for armed struggle, comrades of the anarchist/antiauthoritarian milieu and other fighters within society. This political decision – applied for the first time in Greece in regard to a bombing attack which took place following a phone call warning, causing no injuries, but only material damages – is aimed at multiple recipients and sends out an intimidation message, that fighters who’ll opt for armed revolutionary activity will be treated with the utmost severity.

This decision demonstrates the establishment’s increasingly harshening stance against their number one enemy – Revolutionary Struggle, armed fighters. It’s not difficult to understand why, at a time when the SYRIZA-led government has voted the third memorandum, which is harsher than the previous ones. The big difference between penal treatment in the 1st and the 2nd Revolutionary Struggle trials may give rise to misinterpretations; I would therefore like to point out the following: Since the enactment of anti-terrorism laws in 2001 and 2004, this special legislation constitutes a political choice of Power in order to deal as effectively as possible with urban guerrilla in Greece as a major threat to the establishment. A provision in the anti-terrorism legislation allows life sentence, not for homicide, but for explosion as a result of which there was danger to humans or an injury occurred. I was sentenced to life in prison under this provision. Special court decisions in trials against armed fighters are eminently political decisions; the elements in the accusatory dossier are often of secondary importance. For example, as demonstrated during court hearings of the 2nd trial against Revolutionary Struggle in regard to the organisation’s attack against the Bank of Greece, even though there was a phone call giving 50 minutes warning before the explosion, the security officers remained inside the building on the instructions of the Bank of Greece’s security supervisor. The security supervisor himself admitted there’s a standard regulation which obliges the security staff to stay inside the building despite the threat of explosion. The same happened at Piraeus Bank’s headquarters located opposite the Bank of Greece, where security officers remained inside the building on the instructions of the bank’s head of security. As demonstrated in the 1st trial against the organisation, the same also happened on September 2nd 2009 in Revolutionary Struggle’s attack against the Athens Stock Exchange building, where security staff stayed inside as ordered by the head of security.

It’s thus demonstrated that those who are responsible for causing danger to humans are the executives of the economic Power and establishment’s mechanisms and central structures, such as banks and the stock exchange, who consider people and entire populations to be expendable, and even the security officers of their facilities. Because, for them, their profits override everything; their profits, which are dipped in blood and misery, override human life itself. These are the mechanisms that the Greek people consider responsible for the policy implemented over the last six years, which has resulted in thousands of deaths and millions of poor, destitute and hungry people. These are the mechanisms whose executives (bankers, major shareholders, big businesspeople) alongside their subordinates (politicians of Greek governments) the Greek people consider responsible for the devaluation of life of millions of people, for suicides and pauperisation; not the fighters of Revolutionary Struggle. Revolutionary Struggle’s attacks against such mechanisms and structures are to a great extent popularly and socially accepted.

In both the 1st and 2nd trial against the organisation, I have been consistent in facing the enemy at special courts. This entails the undertaking of political responsibility, the political defense of Revolutionary Struggle’s activity, armed struggle and Revolution for the overthrow of the State and Capital, without counting the cost and the price. This is the duty of every fighter, every anarchist, every revolutionary who is faced with judges and organs of the enemy. The sentence to 50 years imprisonment in the 1st trial was based on the undertaking of political responsibility. This is why we were convicted as accomplices in the organisation’s 16 actions by the theorem of collective responsibility, rather than being convicted as actual perpetrators. The State’s response to the fact I remain consistent in my trajectory as a fighter and continue to defend Revolutionary Struggle, and by extension armed struggle and the prospect of Revolution and the establishment’s overthrow, was the outcome of the 2nd trial, where I was sentenced to life imprisonment for one action, the bombing attack against the Bank of Greece. My entire trajectory after the initial arrests in 2010, the fact that Revolutionary Struggle stayed alive during the pretrial detention in 2010–11, the fact that comrade Roupa and I defended the organisation’s activity at the 1st special court, our choice to not surrender ourselves to prison, to go into clandestinity and continue armed struggle and the organisation’s activity with the attack against the Bank of Greece, this entire trajectory and all these choices are based on the undertaking of political responsibility for our participation in Revolutionary Struggle after being captured in 2010. This is what the State attempted to crash by means of the decision of the 2nd trial against the organisation.

My sentence of life in prison was a message to the fighters who assume political responsibility and do not repudiate their activity and membership in their organisation.

Things are becoming increasingly clearer for the fighters who want to resist and the political prisoners. The dilemma “repudiation or life imprisonment” (in the old days there was execution by firing squad) comes into effect; a dilemma put by Power, a dilemma that in the old days was “repudiation or death”.

Over time, in order to suppress any revolutionary perspective, the State doesn’t confine itself to military predominance over its rivals only, but it also attempts their political defeat by forcing them into political repudiation. In the case of the Western-European urban guerrilla in the 70s and 80s, especially in Italy, the target of political repudiation was not one’s convictions or political identity, but rather armed struggle as being one of the means of struggle and urban guerrilla organisations. In Greece, the dilemma put by Power was once this: either repudiation of communism, or imprisonment and, in other circumstances, execution by firing squad. Nowadays, more indirectly, the dilemma is this: either choice of armed revolutionary struggle with heavy costs and consequences, or renunciation of armed revolutionary struggle as being one of the means of struggle. Either undertaking of political responsibility for one’s participation in an armed organisation and defense of its activity, or acceptance of the State’s pursuit of repudiation of an armed organisation and one’s membership in it, and by extension of armed struggle, in the face of fear of going to prison.

In other, more difficult periods like the Occupation and the Civil War, the price to pay for the struggle was the firing squad; and not only for armed struggle. Many fighters faced with the dilemma “repudiation or death” preferred the firing squad; of course not because they wanted to become martyrs, but because they believed that repudiation is a shame and disgrace; as such, it was considered worse than death. There were armed militants and guerrillas of ELAS (Greek People’s Liberation Army) and DSE (Democratic Army of Greece), but also fighters that didn’t wage armed struggle, who remained unrepentant and were sent by thousands to the firing squad during the Occupation and the Civil War; they were executed in Goudi, in Kessariani shooting range, in Chaidari and Pavlou Mela camps, on Makronissos and Corfu, in Yedi Kule. Similarly in Spain, after Franco’s victory, thousands of armed anarchists who fought for Revolution in 1936–39, and waged guerrilla warfare until 1975, were sent to firing squads in Campo de la Bota, Montjuïc, Carabanchel, or strangled by the method of garrote – used as a means of execution for heretics since the Inquisition.

The struggle for the overthrow of the State and Capital is an activity that requires unwavering convictions, responsibility, consistency, commitment, political engagement, steely will, and political and theoretical knowledge of principles and experiences of the historical revolutionary tradition. How can we even talk about struggle, social liberation, revolution, Anarchy, asking others to participate in a subversive struggle with all the costs and consequences that it entails, if we ourselves are unable to assume responsibility for our political choices?

For the first time in decades – since the era of the post-Civil War State, when ELAS guerrillas who were excluded by the 1945 Treaty of Varkiza, which didn’t recognise their activity as being political, as well as those of DSE remained in prison for at least 15 years – there is a prospect that political prisoners sentenced to 25 years or life imprisonment for armed revolutionary action will remain many years in the prisons of the contemporary Greek State-marionette of the supranational economic elite. We’re going through a period where Power is even indirectly trying to pose dilemmas for educing credentials once again, as in the past, to break us with the spectre of long-term incarceration.

The struggle for Social Revolution, for overthrowing the State and Capital, must go on despite the difficulties, the cost and consequences. We will never surrender the weapons of our struggle.

NO PEACE, NO TRUCE WITH THE STATE AND CAPITAL
ARMED STRUGGLE FOR SOCIAL REVOLUTION
HONOUR FOREVER TO COMRADE LAMBROS FOUNDAS,
MEMBER OF REVOLUTIONARY STRUGGLE

Nikos Maziotis, member of Revolutionary Struggle

http://325.nostate.net/?p=19401

The International Red Help salutes the internationalist volunteers fighting alongside the peoples of Rojava

The International Red Help salutes the internationalist volunteers fighting alongside the peoples of Rojava. The self-determination and self-organisation on the basis of progressive values -democracy, social justice, freedom of women- of the peoples of Rojava is an exception in the Middle-East, an area shred between oppressive regimes and islamist gangs. It is also a precious experience for the whole international revolutionary movement, an experience which is to be studied and supported.

We salute the memory of the internationalist volunteers fallen killed in action, as the young german revolutionary Ivana Hoffmann. We salute the communist and anarchist turkish internationalist militants who fought in Rojava and are jailed in Turkey because of this.

We salute all the militants that are persecuted in any ways while returning home, in Great-Britain, Denmark, Netherlands and especialy in Spain where 14 militants have been arrested. Among them, two have been arrested directly while returning from Rojava where they have been joining the MLKP Battalion. The “Valle” police operation who culminated on January 27th with raids against the Marxist-Leninist Party (Communist Reconstruction) represents the main attack against revolutionary solidarity with Rojava in Europe.

International Red Help
International Secretariat
Zürich, March 17th 2016

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Le Secours Rouge International salue les volontaires internationalistes partis combattre au côté des peuples du Rojava. L’auto-détermination et l’auto-organisation des peuples du Rojava sur base de valeurs progressistes (démocratie, justice sociale, liberté de la femme), est une exception dans un Moyen-Orient partagé entre régimes oppresseurs et gangs islamistes. C’est aussi une expérience précieuse pour tout le mouvement révolutionnaire internationale, une expérience qu’il faut étudier et soutenir.

Nous saluons la mémoires des volontaires internationalistes qui sont tombés au combat, comme la jeune révolutionnaire allemande Ivana Hoffmann. Nous saluons les internationalistes turcs, anarchistes et communistes, qui ont lutté au Rojava et qui sont pour cela emprisonnés en Turquie.

Nous saluons tous les militants persécutés d’une manière ou d’une autre à leur retour, en Angleterre, au Danemark, aux Pays-Bas et particulièrement en Espagne où 14 militants ont été arrêtés, dont deux directement à leur retour du Rojava où ils avaient rejoint le bataillon du MLKP. L’opération policière “Valle”, qui a culminé le 27 janvier par un blitz policier contre le Parti Marxiste-Léniniste (Reconstruction Communiste), représente la pointe de l’attaque contre la solidarité révolutionnaire avec le Rojava en Europe.

Acquitement pour les internationalistes espagnol du 27e!
Liberté pour tous les internationalistes qui ont lutté au Rojava!

Secours Rouge International
Secrétariat international
Zürich, 17 mars 2016

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Die Rote Hilfe International grüsst die internationalistischen Freiwilligen, die neben den Völkern in Rojava kämpfen. Die Selbstbestimmung und Selbstorganisation auf der Grundlage progressiver Werte – Demokratie, sozialer Gerechtigkeit, Freiheit von Frauen – der Völker von Rojava ist eine Ausnahme im Nahen Osten, ein Bereich, zerrissen zwischen repressiven Regimen und islamistischen Banden. Es ist auch eine wertvolle Erfahrung für die ganze internationale revolutionäre Bewegung, eine Erfahrung, die untersucht und unterstützt werden soll.

Wir grüssen die Erinnerung an die internationalistischen Freiwilligen, die in Aktion gefallen sind, im Kampf getötet wurden, wie die junge deutsche Revolutionärin Ivana Hoffmann. Wir grüssen die kommunistischen und anarchistischen türkischen internationalistischen Militanten, die in Rojava gekämpft haben und aus diesem Grund in der Türkei inhaftiert sind.

Wir grüssen alle militanten AktivistInnen, die in irgendeiner Art und Weise verfolgt werden, während sie nach Hause zurückkehren, in Grossbritannien, Dänemark, den Niederlanden und vor allem in Spanien, wo 14 Militante verhaftet worden sind. Von ihnen wurden zwei direkt verhaftet, während sie von Rojava zurückkehrten, wo sie dem MLKP Bataillon beitraten. Die “Valle” Polizeiaktion, die am 27. Januar mit Razzien gegen die Marxistisch-Leninistische Partei (Kommunistischer Wiederaufbau) gipfelte, stellt den Hauptangriff gegen die revolutionäre Solidarität mit Rojava in Europa dar.

Freilassung für die InternationalistInnen vom 27ten in Spanien!

Freiheit für alle InternationalistInnen, die in Rojava gekämpft haben!

Rote Hilfe International

Internationales Sekretariat

Zürich, 17. März 2016

Deutschland: Bericht über die Aktivitäten zum Tag der politischen Gefangenen

Der diesjährige 18. März stand für uns unter dem Motto „den Kampf der Gefangenen zur eigenen Sache zu machen“. Um sich dem anzunehmen gab es wie bereits in den letzten Jahren eine Bündniskundgebung vor dem Knast in Stammheim (siehe Bericht). Neben dieser Kundgebung wurde auch auf dem Schloßplatz eine Kundgebung zum Tag der politischen Gefangenen organisiert.

Darüber hinaus organisierten wir eine Veranstaltung zum Alltag im Knast, bei denen die Gefangenen ihre Eindrücke aus dem Knast schildern konnten und ein Telefoninterview mit Thomas Meyer-Falk (Datei folgt) abgespielt wurde und ein Solidaritätskonzert mit Grup Boran, Nabla, den Esperanza Rap-Stars und Einheizfront. Bei dem Konzert entstand dann auch ein solidarisches Gruppenbild, aus dem eine Postkarte für die Gefangenen entstehen wird.

Wir freuen uns, dass auch in diesem Jahr wieder einige Menschen aktiv und auf unterschiedlichen Ebenen ihre Solidarität gezeigt haben und freuen uns darauf im nächsten Jahr darauf aufzubauen.

Bericht zur Kundgebung

Anlässlich des 18. März, dem Tag der politischen Gefangenen, versammelten sich am 20. März 2016 knapp 40 AktivistInnen in Stuttgart Stammheim, um den politischen Gefangenen ihre Solidarität zu zeigen.

Aktuell sind in Stammheim Yusuf Tas, Özgür Aslan, Ali Özil und Muhlis Kaya weggesperrt. Yusuf Tas & Özgür Aslan wurden vor dem OLG Stuttgart zu langjährigen Haftstrafen wegen der angeblichen Mitgliedschaft in der Revolutionären Volksbefreiungspartei-Front (DHKP-C) mit Hilfe des §129b verurteilt. Ali Özil wird gerade wegen der angeblichen Mitgliedschaft in der PKK ebenfalls vor dem OLG Stuttgart ebenfalls mit Hilfe des §129b der Prozess gemacht und Muhlis Kaya wurde vor knapp einem Monat verhaftet, da er auch der PKK angehören soll.

Es gab Redebeiträge der Roten Hilfe, des Arbeitskreis Solidarität und der Anatolischen Föderation, sowie Grußworte von politischen Gefangenen, u.a. von Yusuf Tas , Sadi Özpolat und ein aufgenommenes Grußwort von Thomas Meyer Falk. (ist angehängt)

In den Reden wurde thematisiert wie wichtig es ist kontinuierlich Solidaritätsarbeit für die Gefangenen zu leisten, um das solidarische Band von draußen nach drinnen enger knüpfen zu können.

Thematisiert wurden auch die Hunger- und Bummelstreiks in der JVA Butzbach im Dezember 2015 und Anfang März 2016, die kollektiv geführt wurden und von der Gefangenengewerkschaft GG/BO maßgeblich unterstützt wird.

Die Aktivistinnen und Aktivisten grüßten die Gefangenen immer wieder lautstark mit verschiedenen Parolen.

Zum Abschluss der Kundgebung wurden rote Luftballons mit anhängenden Gefangenenadressen als Zeichen der Solidarität in die Luft steigen lassen.

Die Polizei zeigte sich mehr oder weniger im Hintergrund und beobachtete das Geschehen von Weitem.

Abschließend gab es eine Spontandemo zur Rückseite des Knastes, von wo aus die Gefangenen am besten nach draußen sehen können. Dort wurden diese nochmals lautstark mit Parolen und Rufen gegrüßt.

Wir hoffen, dass unsere Solidarität die Gefangenen über die Knastmauern erreichen konnte und die Gefangenen eine ermutigende Abwechslung zum tristen und grauen Knastalltag erleben konnten. Auch wenn uns Mauern voneinander trennen, so finden wir Wege unsere Solidarität zu bekunden und den Gefangenen zu zeigen, dass sie weder alleine, noch vergessen sind.

Die Gefangenen sind unsere Würde.

Hoch die Internationale Solidarität!
Freiheit für alle politischen Gefangenen!

http://aksolidaritaet.bplaced.net/wordpress/kampagnen/den-kampf-der-gefangenen-zur-eigenen-sache-machen/bericht-ueber-die-aktivitaeten-zum-tag-der-politischen-gefangenen/

Palästina – Nur der Widerstand wird die Besatzung beenden! (Veranstaltung)

palestine_17.4

Eine Veranstaltung mit aktuellen Informationen über den Kampf des palästinensischen Volkes.

Zurzeit werden täglich junge PalästinenserInnen von der israelischen Armee an Checkpoints erschossen. Die Begründung für diese Morde lautet immer gleich: Die PalästinenserInnen hätten Soldaten mit einem Messer angegriffen. In Tat und Wahrheit will Israel den Widerstand der Bevölkerung brechen.

Dieser Widerstand gegen die israelische Besatzung und Apartheid hat ganz verschiedene Gesichter: PalästinenserInnen weigern sich, ihre Häuser zu verlassen, ketten sich an die Bäume, oder gehen auf ihre Felder, trotz Checkpoints und Mauern. Und der Widerstand hat in den vergangenen Monaten zugenommen, getragen von einer jungen Bewegung, die sich mit der Besatzung nicht arrangieren will.

Was steckt hinter den aktuellen Auseinandersetzungen in Palästina?

Wie können wir den Widerstand unterstützen?

Sonntag 17. April 19 Uhr, Volkshaus, Zürich

Danach rund um die Kampagne zum revolutionären 1. Mai.

BDS Zürich, Revolutionärer Aufbau Schweiz / Rote Hilfe Schweiz, Tayad Komitee Schweiz, Red Latinoamericana

Greece: Open letter of Pola Roupa about the attempt to break Nikos Maziotis out of Koridallos prison

Under other circumstances, this text would be written by Revolutionary Struggle. However, the outcome of the attempt to break out the comrade Nikos Maziotis of Koridallos prison obliges me to speak personally.

On February 21st [2016], I attempted to break out Revolutionary Struggle member Nikos Maziotis by helicopter. The operation was planned so that other political prisoners could join us, who wished to make their way to freedom. Details of the plan, how I managed to evade the security measures and board the helicopter armed, have no special significance and I will not refer to them; despite the fact that there has been a lot of misinformation. Just for the sake of clarity, I will only mention that the plan was not based on any previous helicopter prison escape, it is not associated with any findings of plans not yet implemented, and I do not have any relation to another fugitive person despite media portrayals to the contrary. Also, this attempt was not preceded by any escape plan that “was wrecked”, as reported by some media.

A quarter of the journey after our takeoff from Thermisia in Argolida, I took out my gun and I asked the pilot to change course. Of course, he did not understand who I am, but he realised it was an attempted prison break. He panicked. He attacked me pulling out a gun – a fact he “omitted”. Also because they will likely try to refute the fact he was armed, I remind everyone that there are publicly available reports about the discovery of two mags in the helicopter. One was mine, but the second wasn’t mine. The second mag was from his own gun, which he dropped from his hands during our scuffle during flight. And as for me, of course I had a second mag. Would I go to such an operation with only one mag?

He lost control of the helicopter and shouted in panic “we will get killed”. The description that was presented of a helicopter substantially unmanageable is true. But these images did not result from my actions, but his. The helicopter was losing altitude and swirled in the air. We flew a few meters over electricity wires. I screamed to him to pull up the helicopter, to do what I tell him so no one will get hurt.

Within no time at all, we were on the ground. Those who speak of a dispassionate reaction of the pilot, apparently judging from the result, don’t know what they are talking about.

Instead of doing what I told him to do, he preferred to risk crashing with me in a collision of the helicopter, which didn’t happen by chance. It goes without saying that upon entering the helicopter and trying to gain control of it, to direct it to the prisons, I had made my decision. If he refused to do what I told him, I would naturally react. Those who claim I was responsible for the uncontrolled descent of the helicopter, from 5,000 feet to the ground, what did they expect? That I would have said “if you don’t want to come to the prisons, never mind”? I fired my gun and we engaged – both armed – in a scuffle during flight.

He preferred to risk crashing with me on the mountain than to obey. When we finally landed on the ground with speed, even though I knew the operation was lost, I had every opportunity to execute him. I consciously decided not to do so. Although I knew that with this decision I was endangering my life or freedom, I did not execute him even though I had the chance. He himself knows this very well. The only factor that held me back was my political conscience. And I took this decision, risking my own life and possibility to get away.

Regarding the prison escape operation itself, it’s obvious that all possible safety measures were taken in order to safeguard the undertaking against the armed guards patrolling the prison perimeter, and I even carried a bulletproof vest for the pilot as well. In this case, the purpose was to make the prison break happen in a way that would ensure the lowest possible risk for the helicopter, the comrades and, of course, the pilot. I acted with the same thought when we landed on the ground; despite the fact that the operation failed because of the pilot; despite the fact that he was armed. I essentially put his life over my own life and safety. But I am to reconsider this specific choice.

Organising to break out Nikos Maziotis was a political decision, as much as it was a political decision to liberate other political prisoners as well. It was not a personal choice. If I wanted to only liberate my comrade Nikos Maziotis, I wouldn’t have chartered a large helicopter – a fact that made the operation’s organising more complex. The aim of the operation was the liberation of other political prisoners as well; those who actually wanted, together with us, to make their way to freedom.

This action, therefore, despite its personal dimensions that are known, was not a personal choice but a political one. It was a step in the path to Revolution. The same goes for every action I have carried out and for every action I will make in the future. These are links in a chain of revolutionary planning aimed to create more favourable political and social conditions, for broadening and strengthening revolutionary struggle. Below I will refer to the political basis of this choice; but first I have to talk about facts, and the way I have operated until now in regard to some of these facts.

As I previously mentioned, every action I carry out concerns an act related to political planning. In the same context, I expropriated a branch of Piraeus Bank on the premises of Sotiria Hospital in Athens last June [2015]. With this money, in addition to my survival in “clandestinity”, I secured the organising of my action and financing of the operation for the liberation of Nikos Maziotis and other political prisoners from Koridallos women’s prisons. The reason I refer to this expropriation (I couldn’t care less about the penal consequences of this admittance) is because, at this time, I consider it absolutely necessary to disclose how I operate in regard to the safety of civilians, who in certain circumstances happen to be present in revolutionary actions I am involved in, and my perspective about this issue on the occasion – always mutatis mutandis – of the prison escape attempt.

In the case of the expropriation of Piraeus Bank branch, what I mentioned to the bank clerks when we walked into the bank was that they should not press the alarm button, because this would endanger their own safety, since I wasn’t willing to leave the bank without the money. I did not threaten them, nor would they ever be in danger because of me. They would only be in danger because of the police, if cops arrived at the spot and we subsequently had an armed clash. And the police would only arrive if any clerks pressed the bank alarm. This was a development which they themselves wanted to avoid. Because people who happen to be present in every such action are not afraid of those trying to expropriate, but instead the police intervening. Besides, it’s really stupid for anyone to attempt to defend money belonging to bankers. And for the record, when a female clerk told me “we ourselves are also poor people,” I suggested to her that we step over to a “blind” spot, where cameras can’t see us, to let her have 5,000 euros, which she did not accept, apparently out of fear. If she had accepted the money, she can be sure I would not speak publicly about it. And one detail: what I was holding was a medical apron to conceal my gun while waiting outside the bank; it was not a towel(!), as mentioned several times.

In every period of time, in the struggle for Revolution – as is also the case in all wars – at times the revolutionaries are obliged to seek the assistance of civilians in their fight. The historical examples are too many – an attempt to document them would fill an entire book, and this isn’t the time to expand on the matter – both in Greece and in armed movements and organisations in other countries. In such cases, however, we essentially ask them to take sides in a war. Once someone refuses to assist, their stance is not just about the particular practice, but an overall hostile stance against the struggle. They endanger or cancel undertakings, they put the lives of fighters in danger, they throw obstacles in the way of a revolutionary process. They take a position against a social and class war.

Neither at Piraeus Bank branch nor during the attempted helicopter escape did I make my identity known. Therefore, no one involved in these cases knew that those were political actions. But after the failed escape attempt, and given that – as I already mentioned – I had the opportunity to kill the pilot but I didn’t, risking my own life, I have to make the following public: from now on, whenever I need the assistance of civilians again, and if I deem it necessary, I will make my identity known from the outset. Since my mission in any case concerns the promotion of the struggle for overthrowing the criminal establishment, let everyone know that any possible refusal of cooperating and effort of obstructing the action will be treated accordingly.

I am, of course, aware of the personal details of the pilot, but I did not threaten his family. I would never threaten families and children.

This is my balance sheet after the escape attempt, one I must make public.

THE PRISON ESCAPE OPERATION WAS A REVOLUTIONARY CHOICE

[…]

I ATTEMPTED THE PRISON ESCAPE FOR SOCIAL REVOLUTION
ALL MY LIFE I STRUGGLE FOR SOCIAL REVOLUTION
I WILL CONTINUE TO STRUGGLE FOR SOCIAL REVOLUTION

Pola Roupa
member of Revolutionary Struggle

https://en-contrainfo.espiv.net/2016/03/13/greece-open-letter-of-pola-roupa-about-the-attempt-to-break-nikos-maziotis-out-of-koridallos-prison/

Greece: Prison sentences in the 2nd trial against Revolutionary Struggle

On March 3rd 2016, the Koridallos prison court sentenced all co-accused in the second trial against Revolutionary Struggle with regard to the attack with a car bomb containing 75kg of explosives against the Bank of Greece’s Supervision Directorate in central Athens on April 10th 2014; the shootout in Monastiraki on July 16th 2014 (when comrade Nikos Maziotis was injured and recaptured by police); and expropriations of bank branches.

Revolutionary Struggle member Nikos Maziotis was sentenced to life in prison plus 129 years and a fine of 20,000 euros.

Revolutionary Struggle (fugitive) member Pola Roupa was sentenced to 11 years in prison on misdemeanor charges (if arrested, she will stand trial on felony charges, too).

Antonis Stamboulos was sentenced to 13 years in prison.

Giorgos Petrakakos was sentenced to 36 years in prison plus a fine of 9,000 euros.

https://en-contrainfo.espiv.net/2016/03/03/athens-prison-sentences-in-the-2nd-trial-against-revolutionary-struggle/

Bern: Nachbereitung Antifaschistischer Abendspaziergang

Im Nachgang zum Antifaschistischen »Abend«-Spaziergang vom 17. Oktober 2015 haben sich einige Personen bei uns gemeldet, die einen Strafbefehl erhalten haben. Deshalb laden wir zu einem weiteren Nachbereitungstreffen ein.

Das Ziel des Treffen ist es, sich austauschen zu können, offene Fragen zu beantworten und das weitere Vorgehen betreffend Strafbefehl und Einsprache zu besprechen. Bitte beachtet, dass ihr nur 10 Tage Zeit habt, um Einsprache gegen einen Strafbefehl zu erheben. Wir empfehlen grundsätzlich, quasi vorsorglich Einsprache zu machen – sollten schlechte Verfahrenschancen bestehen, kann diese wieder zurückgezogen werden.

Das Treffen findet statt am:
Dienstag 15. März Treffpunkt um 19:30 Uhr

Das Treffen wird in Bern stattfinden. Der genaue Ort wird auf Anfrage bekannt gegeben. Einfach eine Mail an ea@immerda.ch schreiben.

http://ch.indymedia.org/de/2016/03/96954.shtml

Update from the trial against Billy, Costa e Silvia

the sentence will be read the 23 of march.
Wednesday the second of march in Turin there was the last hearing in: both the attorney and the lawyers had a speech. the attorney recommended 5 years and 6 moths of prison for Costa, 5 years and 4 month of prison for Silvia and Billy.

http://ch.indymedia.org/de/2016/03/96956.shtml