Monthly Archives: March 2015

Wir, K. Gournas und D. Koufontinas, sind im Hungerstreik

Wir, Kostas Gournas und Dimitris Koufontinas, politische Gefangene des Typs C Gefängnisses von Domokos, sind seit Montag, dem 2. März im Hungerstreik.

Wir kämpfen für die Abschaffung der Artikel 187 und 187A des Strafgesetzbuches, für die Aufhebung der Notstandsgesetze für Sondermassnahmen, mit denen die Behörden versuchen ihre politischen Gegner zu kriminalisieren und zu vernichten.

Wir kämpfen für die Abschaffung der Sondergerichte und der aussergewöhnlichen Militärgerichte, diese Vernichtungsfabrik für die, die kämpfen, mit speziellen Konstruktionen, besonderen verfassungswidrigen Gesetzen, spezieller unwissenschaftlicher und betrügerischer Verwendung von Beweismitteln (zB DNA) und spezieller Erschaffung von Beweisen.

Wir kämpfen für die Abschaffung aller repressiven Sondergesetze gegen DemonstrantInnen und gegen die Mobilisierung der Menschen.

Wir fordern die sofortige Abschaffung der Typ C Gefängnisse, die die Symbole des Ausnahmestatus von politischen Gefangenen sind und der Einschüchterung einer Gesellschaft, die Widerstand leistet.

Wir fordern die sofortige Freilassung von Savvas Xiros. Seit 13 Jahren sind die Behörden nun dabei, ihn methodisch und rachsüchtig zu vernichten, was zu irreparablen Schäden und einer Behinderung von 98 Prozent geführt hat.

Repression ist das andere Gesicht der Unterdrückung, der Kampf der Volksbewegung gegen Einschränkungen ist untrennbar mit dem Kampf gegen Unterdrückung und vor allem gegen den ständigen Ausnahmezustand verbunden. Wir bitten um die Unterstützung der gesamten kämpfenden Gesellschaft.

Dieser Kampf der politischen Gefangenen, Proteste und Hungerstreik will eine Botschaft des Widerstandes an das griechische Volk senden: Wir sind diejenigen, die die Kosten für unsere Entscheidungen tragen, wir müssen vereint und entschlossen sein, denn unser Schicksal liegt in unseren Händen. Das ist die Aufgabe für unsere Würde, für die künftigen Generationen.
Hoffnung kommt nur durch Kampf

Typ C Gefängnis von Domokos
2. März 2015
Kostas Gournas
Dimitris Koufontinas

Domokos: Text by Nikos Maziotis about the elections on January 25th and the coalition of SYRIZA and ANEL (Greece)

Translated by Act for freedom now!

The January 25 elections was one more “triumph” of civil democracy. It was further proof of the discrediting of a rotten political system, where more than 1/3 of the electoral body turned its back on the “fiesta” of democracy and did not go to vote. Out of the approximately 9.800.000 voters registered in the electoral records participation was at 63,5%, meaning that the valid votes were about 6.180.000, while the other 3.620.000, which accounts for 36,5%, did not go to vote. Out of those who voted, SYRIZA got 36%, i.e. around 2.200.000 voters, meaning that out of all the registered voters, SYRIZA’s government was based on less than 1/4 of the electoral body.

A triumph therefore of “popular dominance” and democratic centralization! In the end it’s not the majority through representatives that “governs” as is supposed, but the minority. It has been proved yet again that the political system of civil parliamentarianism is disparaged by millions of citizens. It was proved that precisely because of this disparaging of the political system as a result of the economic crisis, all the governments of recent years are minority governments and that self-reliance is now impossible. In reality, one could say that the main power are those abstaining from electoral illusions and staged circuses of professional liars and fraudsters, right or left.

Millions of citizens do not hope for and do not expect anything from any political party. But rage and resentment, when not accompanied by active political action for the subversion of the authority of the supranational economic elite and the civil parliamentarianism that supports it, bring no result. We will only ever get rid of the current suffering if the rage and resentment of millions of citizens transforms itself into dynamic political action. Into a wide social and class tendency that places itself for the prospect of revolution, the violent and armed subversion of capitalism and the state with the prospect of direct democracy, where instead of people outsourcing social matters to professional politicians they practice it themselves through structures of self-management. As expected, the results of the elections on January 25 brought a coalition government of left and right.

Because how else could you define ANEL [*Independent Greek party, the right wing party SYRIZA made a coalition with], a party that comes from the entrails of the traditional nationalist right wing. It has a far-right agenda, with nationalist and orthodox dogma such as “country-religion-family”, a political line characterised by state authoritarianism, law and order dogma, increased intolerance, fear and conspiracy theory rhetoric and an iron fist attitude against those considered dangerous for the country i.e. immigrants, anarchists, armed fighters.

All that is missing are the swastikas. But the SYRIZA people’s thirst for authority as well as that of the ANEL made this weird marriage between left and far-right possible, on the rotten base of a nebulous anti-memorandum block, a marriage never seen before, not only in Greece but also internationally. But the Golden Dawn Nazi party is also considered an anti-memorandum party. Contrary to SYRIZA, it is steadfastly against the European Union. An overwhelming majority of its voters are from the area of the traditional nationalist right wing who were disappointed by New Democracy [outgoing right-wing government], who until recently expressed the majority of this area and part of which always considered the collaborators and traitors of the (Nazi) occupation, the “Chites” [members of group ‘X’, a military group that cooperated with the Nazis during the occupation of Greece] and Security Battalion members [para-military groups that worked closely with the German-Italian forces during the occupation of Greece], to be “Greek patriots” who saved the country from Communism by making an alliance with the Germans.

Many of the voters of ANEL share the same opinion. It is therefore paradoxical that while many, even anarchists, voted for SYRIZA as a bulwark against the far-right, SYRIZA is cooperating with a part of the far-right political spectrum in order to govern. It is a given that many voted for SYRIZA in desperation, believing that they were choosing the lesser of two evils. And the same goes for those anarchists, who by trampling on their own values, voted for SYRIZA because they had promised to abolish the C’ Type (high security) prisons for political prisoners and armed fighters and because they believe in the mitigation of state oppression by the new government concerning mobilizations and demonstrations. But even if the government of SYRIZA-ANEL, in a tactical move, were to abolish the C’ Type prisons, this would not excuse voting and the trampling on revolutionary anarchist values.

Because demands are won with struggles, as the history of the revolutionary movement has shown, not with concessions by each relevant authority, which, for tactical reasons, in this case for reasons of assimilation of the anarchist/anti-authoritarian milieu, knows how to use the carrot and if necessary also the stick. The votes of anarchists for SYRIZA were bought. It is a ridiculous phenomenon to see anarchists demonstrating alongside the youth section of the governing party, which cooperated with far-right members of ANEL on the Imia incident anniversary, against the gathering of Golden Dawn.

Movements have carried out anti-fascist struggle, armed anti-fascist struggle – such as the anarchists in Spain in 1936 – and not the elected governments. Now the coalition state of SYRIZA and far-right ANEL is “anti-fascist”!! Just as Samaras’ government was supposedly “anti-fascist” because it imprisoned members of Golden Dawn!! In reality, all those who consider themselves a fighter or anarchist and voted, have not shown that they made a good tactical manoeuvre, but proved their political weaknesses and the lack of political will to contribute to creating an anti-capitalist revolutionary movement in order for us to subvert the regime which is responsible for the crisis and the ills it has caused.

With their stance they proved that they have been assimilated and follow the coat-tails of the government that is the leftist crutch of capitalism. Obviously they have forgotten the historical chant we used to shout at protests, “the bosses are the same – either on the right, either on the left”. The takeover of government by SYRIZA does not change the stance of those anarchists who consider themselves consistent and are dedicated to the struggle for revolution, the struggle for the subversion of capital and the state and in this struggle SYRIZA, like every government, stands in the way as an obstacle and an enemy.

As I said in the text “The solution is not given by elections but by the armed people”, the duration of the SYRIZA-ANEL coalition will be short and will have the same luck as the previous governments of Samaras and Papandreou. Because it will decompose and collapse under the weight of its contradictions and the breach of their pre-election declarations, not being able to avoid responsibility for the policies it will be obliged to enforce and the compromises with the lenders and the supranational economic elite. A big question for the post-SYRIZA era is what political reserves does the system have for managing the crisis in Greece. Additional proof of the already obvious instability of today’s government that will speed up the crisis and its collapse, is not only the pluralistic tendency of its components, but also its cooperation with the far-right ANEL.

It is a given that this government will disappoint many of those who voted for SYRIZA, precisely because of the great expectations it created and because of its “leftist” profile. Already the declarations of the new government on the night of the elections from the mouth of the new prime-minister Tsipras – that they would not come into conflict with the lenders and the supranational economic elite – presage the coming compromises. Because there is no middle road between conflict and subjugation. And since the new government will not create conflict, it will have to subjugate.

What we said as Revolutionary Struggle has been proved, that neither SYRIZA nor any other party of the regime desires war with the supranational elite and the lenders, and that their only concern is authority, to eat from the pie of authority. Already the matter of abolishing memorandum conventions, as some members of SYRIZA had propagated before the elections, is a thing of the past, now in the time-box of history, and which has been replaced by what was expected, the renegotiating of the memorandums and the debt.

This means that they do not refuse the memorandum, or the debt, i.e. the shackles of the Greek people. Even before “the cock crowed”, we had the first and main treachery and breach of the pre-election declarations for which they were voted. Although they declare that they are suspending completion of some privatizations, such as part of Pireus Harbour (OLP) and the National Electricity Company (DEI) or the Public Natural Gas Company (DEPA), they state that they will respect the conventions that exist so far and that it is for investment, namely for the exploitation of the people, the workers and the natural resources of the country for capital. Lafazanis, the Minister of Productive Reconstruction, Environment and Energy and member of the left platform and defender of the Drachma [Greek currency before the euro], stated that he is for the privatization of DEPA, as well as saying that all memorandum laws will be abolished bit by bit.

As for the new Minister of Economy Varoufakis, he states that he is in favour of privatization giving the example of privatizing OLP. Prime minister Tsipras, on Bloomberg, assures that the country will fulfill its obligations to the European Central Bank (ECB) and the International Monetary Fund (IMF), while Varoufakis at his meeting in Paris with his French counter-part, states that he is in favour of a new contract or a new deal with the partners-lenders. This means the adoption of a new program, irrelevantly of whether its called a memorandum or not, with obligatory enforcement of new measures, cuts, or corrective structural changes. He said the same at the banquet in the City of London organized by Deutsche Bank and Merrill Lynch. Let me recall that the previous Samaras government was also going to take new measures, after the last evaluation by the Troika [IMF-EU-ECB], with the adoption of a new program that in their words was not be a new memorandum.

The retreat of SYRIZA concerning their pre-election declarations continues unabated under the weight of the lenders and especially after the decision of the ECB not to accept Greek bonds, a decision that although it will be effective as of February 28th when the current program-memorandum ends, will come in effect many days earlier in order to put pressure on the Greek government to submit under fear of liquidity, shortage and bankruptcy as the cash reserves of the country are becoming increasingly more scarce. Thus the regressions, the blatant contradictions and the self-denials of statements and declarations, continue. Although Varoufakis, when meeting Dijsselbloem spoke of tearing up the memorandum, in his meeting with Schauble he stated that he will respect 67% of the memorandum obligations.

As for the new Vice-Minister of Economy, Valavanis, although she initially asked for the resignation of the management of the TAIPED (Hellenic Republic Asset Development Fund), with the prospect of evolving it, a week later she set aside her decision under the weight of developments. Otherwise, they continue to fool the people about the end of the memorandum era. They are the most vulgar dealers of hopes of a whole people.

Already the first samples what we wrote as Revolutionary Struggle a few days after the elections, when we attacked the Management Oversight of the Bank of Greece, the infeasibility and utopianism of the socialist-democratic proposals of SYRIZA have been proved by its complete retreat on all matters of management of the crisis and its transformation into a Socialist-Neoliberal party. There has never been a faster rebuttal of pre-election promises in the history of Greek politics than the SYRIZA one.

The policy of the SYRIZA-ANEL government is not different to the policy of its predecessors and sooner or later will lead to its political bankruptcy and collapse, as happened to its predecessors. You cut the chains that hold the Greek people, namely the debt and the rescue memorandum-program, completely.

You do not negotiate their lengthening. This can only be carried out by a revolution with the people armed, and this happens: with the non-recognition and unilateral deletion of the entire debt, the abolition of the memorandum laws and the deletion of all debts of the people towards the banks, the return of small properties repossessed by banks, the abolition of the banking system and the socialization of bank assets.

As well as the re-appropriation and socialization of the wealth of capital and state, big businesses and multinationals.

A re-appropriation that will include liquidity, movable and unmovable property. The economic reconstruction will be funded and supported materially on the basis of self-management and self-organization, just as industrial and productive reconstruction will be supported, the reconstruction of agricultural production and the self-organization of social life everywhere. Only such a revolutionary procedure will provide a solution to the suffering caused by the capitalist crisis. It will eliminate class and social divisions, it will give the management of social matters to the people, through structures of self-organization and self-management, through a confederated system of popular assemblies and labour councils that will enact libertarian communism.

Therefore it is the duty of all fighters, it is the duty of the anarchist/anti-authoritarian milieu, it is the duty of all of us to work for the creation of a revolutionary movement for the subversion of capital and the state and exploit the political bankruptcy of the clowns of SYRIZA and the political system generally.


Nikos Maziotis

Member of Revolutionary Struggle
Domokos prisons


Greek prisons: Text of anarchist hunger striker Nikos Maziotis about the CCF members’ hunger strike


Political prisoners have currently launched a hunger strike in Greek prisons beginning from March 2nd 2015. Some of them, like me, have a common context of demands regarding: the abolition of the ‘antiterrorism’ legislations, the abolition of the hoodie law and the type C prisons, and the release of the convicted 17N member Savvas Xiros on health grounds.

At the same time, the political prisoners of the Conspiracy of Cells of Fire have also begun a hunger strike, demanding the release of their family members who were recently arrested and placed under preventive detention, after it was disclosed that CCF members organised a plan to escape Koridallos prisons.

Regardless of differences in demands, I support the CCF prisoners’ struggle as regards their demand. Despite the political differences between political prisoners and the problems that have arisen among them, despite the different context of the hunger strikes, I believe that people in solidarity, the anarchist-antiauthoritarian space should support all political prisoners. No one should be left alone in the face of repression.

Nikos Maziotis, member of the Revolutionary Struggle
Domokos type C prison


Bruno Ghirardi und Vincenzo Sisi sind frei!

Bruno und Vincenzo wurden nun definitiv, am 13. und 19. Februar, aus der Haft entlassen. Sie haben ihre Strafe ganz abgesessen und verbrachten die 8 Jahre in verschiedenen Hochsicherheitsgefängnissen, als letztes im Siano-Catanzaro.

Vom repressiven Schlag damals, gegen den Aufbau des PC P-M Partito Comunista Politico Militare („Politisch-Militärische Kommunistische Partei“), bleiben noch zwei Genossen im Knast. Obwohl der Schlag damals diesen operativen Entwurfsversuch beendete, gab der Widerstand im Knast, der sich auf diesen Aufbauprozess bezog, den Inhalten des Politprogramms weiterhin eine Stimme. Das heisst die Etappen, welche den revolutionären Weg, den revolutionären Prozess, konkretisieren können und der Frage nach einer Partei, welche sich auf die politisch-militärische Einheit stützt (kritische Entwicklung vergangener Kampfzyklen), zu behandeln. Sowie das Heranreifen des Klassenkampfes und der Selbstorganisierung der Massen hin zum Zusammenstoss um die politische Macht. Genau das, was die tiefe kapitalistische Krise der letzten Jahre, eine realistische und notwendige Forderung gemacht hat.

Auf diesem Boden und mit dieser Perspektive wurde ein politischer Kampf bei juristischen Prozessen geführt. Man bezog sich auf die Etappen der Bewegung der Klasse und man versuchte, die Diskussion weiter zu entwickeln und einen Beitrag zum Wiederaufbau im revolutionären Sinn zu leisten. So kann auch ein Gefängnisaufenthalt, besonders als Langzeitgefangener, den repressiv-terroristischen Spiess umdrehen, und ein kraftgebendes und vorantreibendes Element der ganzen Bewegung werden. Erst recht, wenn die betroffenen Militanten Ausdruck einer Arbeiterrealität oder proletarischen Wirklichkeit sind.

Wir grüssen deshalb diese zwei mutigen Genossen und ihren Beitrag zur Sache der proletarischen Befreiung.

FREEDOM FOR A. WOODFOX! and all the black panther prisoners!


An der Anti-Rassismus-Demo am Samstag, 28. Februar, in Zürich gab es im Revolutionären Block eine Solidaritäts-Aktion für Albert Woodfox.
Das antiimperialistische Kollektiv „Coup Pour Coup 31“ hat vom 1. bis zum 28. Februar zu einer Kampagne zur Freilassung von A. Woodfox aufgerufen. Als Beitrag zu dieser Kampagne wurde ein Transparent mit der Aufschrift „Freedom for A. Woodfox! And all the black panther prisoners!“ entrollt. Dazu wurde eine USA-Fahne verbrannt.


Albert Woodfox ist einer der „Angola three“, drei afroamerikanischen politischen Gefangenen, die seit 1971 inhaftiert sind. Seit Beginn seiner Haftstrafe wurde der Prozess gegen ihn bereits dreimal als ungültig erklärt. Trotzdem wurde er nicht freigelassen. Obwohl er sich seit 43 Jahren in Isolationshaft befindet, führt er seinen politischen Kampf ungebrochen fort!

Freiheit für Albert Woodfox und alle Black Panther Gefangenen!

Freiheit für alle politischen Gefangenen!

Hier die Übersetzung des Aufrufs zur Kampagne:

Guten Tag,

Heute beginnen wir eine Kampagne für die Befreiung von Albert Woodfox. Hier angehängt findet ihr den Aufruf dazu und ein Plakat dazu.

Albert Woodfox ist mit Robert King und Herman Wallace einer der “Angola three”. Das sind drei afroamerikanische politische Gefangene, die seit 1971 im Angola-Knast, Staatsgefängnis von Louisana in den USA, einsitzen. Die Strafe sass er auf Grund eines bewaffneten Überfalls ab. Während seinem Prozess ist Albert Woodfox aber aus dem Knast ausgebrochen und ist der Plack Panther Party beigetreten. Trotzdem er wieder verhaftet und inhaftiert wurde, war er weiter aktiv und gründete mit Wallace und King eine Black Panther Party Sektion im Gefängnis. Das Gefängnis Angola ist ein Symbol des industriell-repressiven rassistischen Knastsystem und von der modernen Sklaverei, da das Gefängnis auf dem Boden einer alten Baumwollplantage steht. Im Jahre 1972 wurden Woodfox und Wallace als schuldig befunden für den Mord an einem weissen Gefängniswärter. King, der nicht direkt für Mord angeklagt wurde, wurde wegen Komplizenschaft verurteilt und die “Angola three” wurden in Isolationshaft gesetzt. Robert King wurde bis 2001 23 Stunden pro Tag in seiner Zelle eingesperrt. Herman Wallace bis 2013, als er drei Tage vor seinem Tod durch Krebs freigelassen wurde.

Albert Woodfox ist immer noch inhaftiert. Er weigert sich seinem politisches Engagement für die Organisierung der afroamerikanischen Gefangenen, für den Widerstand gegen die moderne Sklaverei in den Gefängnissen, für die Verteidigung der Rechte der Gefangenen abzusprechen und beharrt auf seine Unschuldigkeit. Die Behörden verweigern die Freilssung von Woodfox und belassen ihn in Isolationshaft, obwohl sein Prozess schon dreimal wegen rassistischer Diskriminierung für ungültig erklärt wurde.

Das Leben von Albert Woodfox widerspiegelt die Basisorganisierung durch die Black Panther Party und ist ein Zeugnis für den politischen Kampf für die Selbstverteidigung und die Befreiung der schwarzen Gemeinde, die jede Realität der rassistischen und ökonomischen Unterdrückung der schwarzen Bevölkerung angreift: von den Quartieren zu den Gefängnissen, vom Sklavenhandel zur industriellen Sklavenarbeit in den Gefängnissen, von der kulturellen und mentalen Entfremdung zum institutionellem Verdrücken.
Es sind diese politischen Überzeugungen des Widerstands und des Erbes der revolutionären Kämpfer, die Albert Woodfox während den 42 Jahren Isolationshaft durchhalten liessen und es sind diese politischen Überzeugungen, die die internationale Solidaritätskampagne für seine Befreiung und gegen das repressive rassistische Gefängnissystem der USA nähren soll.

Wir laden euch nun ein, euch der Kampagne des antiimperialistischen Kollektivs Coup Pour Coup 31 für die Befreiung von Albert Woodfox anzuschliessen. Die Kampagne dauert vom 1. bis am 28. Februar 2015 und schliesst an diesen Aufruf an. Es sollen Aktionen zu seiner Befreiung stattfinden und diese Kampagne soll mitgetragen werden.

*Coup Pour Coup 31*
Antiimperialistisches Kollektiv in Toulouse

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Greek prisons: Combative prisoners on collective hunger strike as of March 2nd 2015

On March 2nd 2015, combative prisoners launched a hunger strike in various Greek prisons. Their main demands are: the abolition of Article 187 (criminal organisation) and Article 187A (terrorist organisation) of the Greek Penal Code; of the “hoodie law” (acts committed with concealed physical characteristics); of the legal framework for type C prisons; of the prosecutorial provision of forcible taking of DNA samples – and the immediate release from prison of Savvas Xiros (convicted for his participation in the R.O. 17 November) on health grounds.

So far, those who have joined the political prisoners’ mobilisation and collective hunger strike are three urban guerrillas incarcerated in the E1 wing of Domokos type C prison: Dimitris Koufontinas, Kostas Gournas, and Revolutionary Struggle member Nikos Maziotis – and five participants in the Network of Imprisoned Fighters (DAK): Antonis Stamboulos (Larissa prison), Tasos Theofilou (Domokos prison), Fivos Harisis, Argyris Ntalios and Giorgos Karagiannidis (Koridallos prison). The rest of the comrades who participate in the Network of Imprisoned Fighters will join the hunger strike in the coming days.

Furthermore, in the E1 wing of Domokos type C prison, Giorgos Sofianidis has been on hunger strike since February 27th, requesting the abolition of type C maximum security prisons, in addition to his immediate transfer to Koridallos prison in order to continue his studies – and as of today, March 2nd, Mohamed-Said Elchibah also went on a hunger strike.



Bruno e Vincenzo sono stati scarcerati rispettivamente il 13 ed il 19 febbraio, avendo scontato definitivamente la condanna e passato 8 anni nelle sezioni d’ Alta Sicurezza di varie carceri, fino a quella di Siano-Catanzaro.

Rimangono dentro solo piu’ due compagni di quella che fu l’operazione repressiva contro il progetto di costruzione di un PCP-M, Partito Comunista Politico-Militare. Sebbene quell’operazione mettesse fine al tentativo progettuale-operativo, la resistenza in carcere, sulla base della rivendicazione del percorso compiuto, ha continuato a dare voce alla sua sostanza programmatica. A quella istanza che puo’ concretizzare la via rivoluzionaria, il possibile processo rivoluzionario, e cioé la questione di un Partito basato sull’unità del politico-militare ( sviluppo critico della ricca esperienza dei grandi cicli di lotta precedenti ) e di una maturazione della lotta di classe e dell’autorganizzazione di massa verso lo scontro per il potere politico. Cio’ che lo sprofondamento della crisi capitalistica di questi anni ha reso esigenza realistica e necessaria.

Su questo terreno, ed in questa prospettiva, si é data battaglia politica nel corso dei processi giudiziari ; rapportandosi alle istanze del movimento di classe, si é cercato di contribuire allo sviluppo del dibattito e della ricomposizione in termini rivoluzionari . Cosi anche il passaggio carcerario, sopratutto quando di lungo periodo, puo’ diventare rovesciamento della funzione terroristica della repressione, trasformandosi in elemento di forza, di determinazione piu’ avanzata per tutto il movimento . Tanto piu’ quando i militanti coinvolti sono significative espressioni delle realtà operaie e proletarie.

Salutiamo dunque questi bravi compagni, ed il loro contributo alla causa della liberazione proletaria.

JVA Ratingen: Besuchsverbot bei linkem Anwalt aus der Türkei

Pressemitteilung vom 25.2.2015

JVA Ratingen: Besuchsverbot bei linkem Anwalt aus der Türkei

Am Mittwoch, den 21.1. erhielten wir Post vom linken politischen
Gefangenen Ahmet Düzgün Yüksel aus der Justizvollzugsanstalt (JVA)
Ratingen in Nordhein-Westfalen (NRW). Er schrieb am 15.1.2015, dass die
Anstaltsleitung Besuchsverbot gegen Herrn Lettow erteilt hat, der ihn
in der Vergangenheit mehrfach besucht hatte. Ihm wurde dieses Verbot
mündlich ohne Angaben von Gründen mitgeteilt. Auch Yüksels Anwalt hat
bis heute von der JVA noch keine Auskunft erhalten, weswegen diesen
Verbot gegen erhoben worden ist.

Zusätzlich hat die JVA auch einen Brief an Herrn Lettow einbehalten. Er
hatte in diesen Zeilen mitgeteilt, dass der Hungerstreik des
hungerstreikenden Albaners Admir Baro “weiter geht”. Admir Baro befand
sich seit dem 9.12.2014 im Hungerstreik. Inzwischen hat er den Streik
nach 51 Tagen beendet und ist auf eine andere Station verlegt worden.
Offenbar versucht die Anstaltsleitung mit dem Besuchsverbot zu
verhindern, dass Informationen über den Hungerstreik der Öffentlichkeit
bekannt werden.

Wer ist Ahmet Düzgün Yüksel ?

Wegen seiner anwaltlichen Tätigkeit für politische Gefangene in der
Türkei musste er das Land verlassen und wurde 2007 in der BRD wegen §
129b (Unterstützung einer ausländischen terroristischen Vereinigung)
verhaftet. Er war in Stuttgart-Stammheim im Knast und wurde dort auch
in dem dortigen Prozessbunker verurteilt.

Nach seiner Haftstrafe war er der Residenzpflicht unterworfen, d. h.,
er durfte sich nur in einem bestimmten Bezirk aufhalten. Er entzog sich
dem, wurde in Griechenland verhaftet und im Mai 2014 in die BRD

Yüksel kämpft auch im Gefängnis gegen das herrschende Unrecht weiter
an. So beteiligte er sich z.B. im letzten Sommer an einem 3-tägigen
Solidaritätshungerstreik griechischer Gefangener gegen die Einführung
von Isolationsgefängnissen nach Stammheimer Vorbild. Auch ist er
Mitglied der Gefangenengewerkschaft/BO. (GG/BO)
( )

Von Repression ist allerdings nicht nur Ahmet Düzgün Yüksel betroffen:

2 Beispiele:

· In der JVA Berlin-Tegel wird zur Zeit mit verschiedenen Mitteln gegen
Mehmed-Sadik Aykol , den dort inhaftierten Rechtssekretär der GG/BO,
vorgegangen: Auf Grund seines gewerkschaftliches Engagements werden z.b.
Vollzugslockerungen zurückgestellt. Weiterhin wurde von den
Mehmed-Sadik Aykol zugesandten Flyern für die Zeitschrift der GG/BO
“Outbreak” ihm nur ein einziger ausgehändigt.

· Die wegen §129b inhaftierte Gülaferit Ünsal in Berlin-Pankow wurde
mit Duldung der JVA teilweise von Mitgefangenen gemobbt und es werden
ihr teilweise Zeitungen vorenthalten .


Yüksel sieht als Grund für das verhängte Besuchsverbot, dass er einen
Hungerstreik in seinem Knast bekannt machte. Diese Aktion des
Gefangenen wurde auf einigen Homepages veröffentlicht und sie wurde auf
Knastkundgebungen anläßlich Sylvester bekannt gemacht.

Briefe und Besuche sind daher für alle Gefangene wichtig, um ihre
minimalen Rechte und ihre Unversehrtheit zu garantieren.

Deshalb fordern wir die unverzügliche Aufhebung des Besuchsverbots.

Soligruppe 129-Gefangene in NRW

Greece: Statement signed by all the prisoners in the E1 wing of Domokos type C prison

Prisoner Giorgos Sofianidis began a hunger strike on Friday 27/2 demanding his transfer to Koridallos prison (where he was incarcerated until News Year’s Eve) so that he is able to attend his studies in the same region where educational institutions to which he has already been admitted are available (besides, one of those schools operates inside Koridallos prison). Below is a statement by all the prisoners in the E1 wing of Domokos maximum security prison.

We, all the prisoners currently held in the E1 special wing in the prison within the prison, the type C prison of Domokos, declare that as of today February 27th 2015 we are going to abstain from prison meals and refuse to enter the cells at noon.

We stand by our fellow prisoner, hunger striker Giorgos Sofianidis, and ask that he be moved back to Koridallos prison, otherwise he risks losing any possibility to study at the TEI (Technological Education Institute) of Piraeus and the IEK (Institute of Professional Training) of Koridallos prison.

We demand that the special conditions of detention as well as the barbaric and inhumane type C prison be abolished.

Our mobilisations will continue until the type C prisons are permanently abolished.

Kostas Gournas
Nikos Maziotis
Dimitris Koufontinas
Giorgos Sofianidis
Yannis Naxakis
Alexandros Meletis
Konstantinos Meletis
Vasileios Varelas
Mohamed-Said Elchibah
Alexandros Makadasidis