Tag Archives: Nikos Maziotis

Greeting of Nikos Maziotis at the yearly meeting of Red International Help

I salute the comrades who participate in the yearly meeting of International Red Help. Comrades from Greece participate for the first time in this meeting, members of the solidarity assembly for political prisoners in Greece who surely will inform you about the situation in Greece with regards to political prisoners, solidarity and generally the political situation in Greece. From my side I will inform you about some recent events that took place here. On February 21st the wanted comrade, Pola Roupa, on whom a bounty has been set, attempted to hijack a helicopter in order to break myself, as well as other political prisoners condemned for armed struggle, out of the prison of Korydallos. Unfortunately, the hijack failed due to the reaction of the pilot, who turned out to be an ex-policeman and was armed. Fortunately, the comrade got away safe and unhurt. Following this, security measures in the wing where we are held have increased. The comrade Pola Roupa and I as well as the other political prisoners have assumed the political responsibility for this attempt with public statements. A few days later on the 3rd of March, the 2nd trial of Revolutionary Struggle was completed, in which I was sentenced to life imprisonment for the attack of the organization against the Bank of Greece, plus 129 years for the shooting against 5 cops and the injury of one of them at the incident when I was arrested and for the expropriation of two banks. This is the first time where a sentence of life imprisonment is passed in Greece for a bomb attack in which a warning was given and where there were neither dead nor injured. This demonstrates the increasing severity of the regime in Greece concerning the treatment of armed revolutionary action and of those who like me remain consistent and impenitent as regards the choice of armed struggle.
The political, economic and social situation in Greece is very difficult. On the one hand, the continuing implementation of rescue programs (the so called memorandum) that Greek governments implement make conditions evermore difficult for large parts of the population, while the international economic crisis continues and deepens in Europe, and on the other hand, the huge wave of refugees from the war zones of Middle East, mainly Syria. All this creates a highly explosive climate not only in Greece, where due to the closing of the Balkan borders and also the amendment of the Schengen treaty by some countries of the EU thousands of refugees and migrants have become trapped in the country, but also in Europe where the foundations of the European Union have been ruptured irreparably. These conditions are burdened even further by the attacks of Islamic militants in 2015 in Paris, France and in Brussels a few days ago. This explosive combination of global economic crisis along with the geopolitical issues in the Middle East, which are a result of the war against “terrorism” and of the politics of the West, the wars in Syria, Iraq, Afghanistan that caused the refugee wave to Europe, shakes the foundations of the E.U. and may bring about its end as we know it. The result of this is, on the one hand, the adoption by countries of the EU of increasingly authoritarian and totalitarian measures, as in France after the attacks of Islamic militants, the rise of a police state in the name of security and, on the other hand, the rise of the far right who pursue the return to a regime of a powerful nation – state, who press for the closure of the borders and the deportation of foreigners and refugees, who want to bring back a regime of national capitalism. Worst of all is that following the attacks, a consensus has emerged by parts of European society, who rally behind their governments out of fear and insecurity, reacting to the arrival of refugees, thereby facilitating the implementation of the authoritarian measures European governments are taking to deal with the wave of refugees. Unfortunately, the people of Europe, in all the previous years, did not drastically resist when their governments gave their consent and collaborated with the war against “terrorism” that was unleashed by the USA after 2001, when they consented to the wars in Afghanistan and Iraq and when their governments sent troops to assist Americans in the occupation of these countries. It is precisely for this reason that they doubly suffer the consequences of the war against “terrorism”, such as that there are citizen victims of the reprisal attacks of Islamic militants and that governments take increasingly authoritarian and totalitarian measures in the name of this war and of security. The cosmopolitan character of the EU is already in ruins.
I believe that it is only through the growth, inside western countries, of revolutionary movements that will strive to destroy capitalism and the state and to create an International European Commune, that there can be an end to this war, to racism, xenophobia, exploitation and repression and to all the banes of capitalism and authority. Only an international social revolution with anti-capitalist and anti-statist characteristics in Europe and beyond can be the answer to the current situation, to the global economic crisis that deepens more and more and to the war against “terrorism”. Unfortunately comrades we are far from this goal. Nevertheless we must continue fighting in this direction.

Nikos Maziotis member of Revolutionary Struggle

Greece: Revolutionary Struggle member Nikos Maziotis on the escape attempt and life sentence

Text of Nikos Maziotis about the operation of escape from Koridallos prison and the sentence of life imprisonment handed down in the 2nd Revolutionary Struggle trial

The attempt to escape from Koridallos prison by helicopter on February 21st 2016 – an operation carried out by comrade Pola Roupa, member of Revolutionary Struggle – was a revolutionary act, a guerrilla action for the liberation of political prisoners. It was a means of continuation of Revolutionary Struggle’s activity, a response to the State’s repressive operations against our organisation and other political prisoners, comrades who are in prison for armed activity as well. It was therefore an exemplary solidarity act of great and unique importance. The prison escape operation was a step towards continuing armed revolutionary activity; promoting the struggle for the overthrow of the State and Capital; overturning the establishment’s policy of bailout programs imposed by the troika of the country’s supranational bosses, the EC, ECB and IMF, to which the ESM has been added with the enactment and implementation of the third memorandum program by the SYRIZA-led government. Armed struggle in the present circumstances is more timely and necessary than ever. The failure of this operation won’t bend us. We will struggle as long as we live and breathe.

Revolutionary Struggle has proven that it has remained standing over the years, despite successive repressive blows and sacrifices: the blood of comrade Lambros Foundas, who was killed on March 10th 2010 in a shootout with police in the district of Dafni, Athens, during a preparatory action of the organisation; our arrests a month later, April 10th 2010, on the eve of Greece’s signing of the first memorandum; my arrest on July 16th 2014 in Monastiraki, Athens, where I was injured following a chase and shootout with police. Revolutionary Struggle remained standing because we undertook political responsibility for our participation in the organisation – in Greece, we were the first armed revolutionary and anarchist organisation to do so – and because we defended our history, the organisation’s actions and our comrade Lambros Foundas, who gave his life so that the memorandum wouldn’t pass; to turn the crisis into an opportunity for social revolution. We remained standing as an organisation because we didn’t mind paying the cost and price, because we didn’t turn ourselves into betrayers or deserters, because none of us tried to save one’s own skin at the moment of repression. It’s precisely because we claimed political responsibility that we stayed alive as an organisation in prison in 2010–11. We gave a political battle against the enemy in the 1st special court. Once released from prison after 18 months in pretrial detention, we chose not to surrender ourselves to imminent imprisonment and went underground instead, to continue armed struggle and the organisation’s activity.

The attack of Revolutionary Struggle – Commando Lambros Foundas on April 10th 2014 against the Bank of Greece, a branch of the ECB – one of the most popularly-hated organisations that make up the quartet of supranational bosses – but also a building that housed the office of the IMF’s permanent representative in Greece, annulled the 2010 repressive operation, and continued the organisation’s strategy that was launched in 2009 with the attacks on Citibank’s headquarters and one of its branches, a Eurobank’s branch and the Athens Stock Exchange. For years Revolutionary Struggle is faced with the spearhead of state repression, since the issue of dealing with the organisation and generally armed revolutionary activity is a major priority for the survival of the establishment, seeking to eliminate the internal enemy for the smooth enforcement and implementation of bailout programs, which constitute policies of social genocide and cleansing of parts of the population.

In 2007, the U.S. Department of State and the Greek State placed bounties of 1 million dollars and 800 thousand euros, respectively, after the organisation’s attack with an anti-tank RPG at the U.S. Embassy in Athens. In 2010, the Papandreou government celebrated our arrests, and a government official stated that they prevented a blow that would end the economy, on the eve of the signing of the first memorandum and amid fear of Greek economy’s collapse. In 2014, after we had gone into clandestinity and had been sentenced to 50 years imprisonment by the 1st special court, the Samaras government placed a bounty of 2 million euros on our heads – one million on comrade Roupa and another million on me. My arrest, three months after Revolutionary Struggle’s attack against the Bank of Greece, was celebrated by Greek authorities. U.S. officials congratulated them on my recapture and made statements on political stability. Special measures were implemented after my arrest and, in December 2014, I was transferred to the newly-inaugurated type C maximum security prison, this being the first such transfer of a political prisoner, already preannounced since my recapture. In April 2015, I was included in the list of “international terrorists” designated by State Department, even though I was in prison. The authorities have now unleashed a manhunt to arrest comrade Roupa. All this demonstrates that combating Revolutionary Struggle holds great significance for the establishment. That is, repression against Revolutionary Struggle and implementation of memoranda, together with the establishment’s political stability, go hand in hand.

Last link in the chain of the establishment’s repression against Revolutionary Struggle is the decision of the 2nd trial against the organisation, a few days after the prison escape attempt. I was sentenced to life imprisonment for the bombing attack against the Bank of Greece, plus 129 years for two expropriations of bank branches and shooting of cops who persecuted me in Monastiraki. The imposition of the severest possible sentence for the organisation’s attack against the country’s bosses is a conscious political decision and not just a procedural exaggeration. As I have already stated, this decision aims not to terrorise me – because they know I am and will remain unrepentant – but those who’ll want to opt for armed struggle, comrades of the anarchist/antiauthoritarian milieu and other fighters within society. This political decision – applied for the first time in Greece in regard to a bombing attack which took place following a phone call warning, causing no injuries, but only material damages – is aimed at multiple recipients and sends out an intimidation message, that fighters who’ll opt for armed revolutionary activity will be treated with the utmost severity.

This decision demonstrates the establishment’s increasingly harshening stance against their number one enemy – Revolutionary Struggle, armed fighters. It’s not difficult to understand why, at a time when the SYRIZA-led government has voted the third memorandum, which is harsher than the previous ones. The big difference between penal treatment in the 1st and the 2nd Revolutionary Struggle trials may give rise to misinterpretations; I would therefore like to point out the following: Since the enactment of anti-terrorism laws in 2001 and 2004, this special legislation constitutes a political choice of Power in order to deal as effectively as possible with urban guerrilla in Greece as a major threat to the establishment. A provision in the anti-terrorism legislation allows life sentence, not for homicide, but for explosion as a result of which there was danger to humans or an injury occurred. I was sentenced to life in prison under this provision. Special court decisions in trials against armed fighters are eminently political decisions; the elements in the accusatory dossier are often of secondary importance. For example, as demonstrated during court hearings of the 2nd trial against Revolutionary Struggle in regard to the organisation’s attack against the Bank of Greece, even though there was a phone call giving 50 minutes warning before the explosion, the security officers remained inside the building on the instructions of the Bank of Greece’s security supervisor. The security supervisor himself admitted there’s a standard regulation which obliges the security staff to stay inside the building despite the threat of explosion. The same happened at Piraeus Bank’s headquarters located opposite the Bank of Greece, where security officers remained inside the building on the instructions of the bank’s head of security. As demonstrated in the 1st trial against the organisation, the same also happened on September 2nd 2009 in Revolutionary Struggle’s attack against the Athens Stock Exchange building, where security staff stayed inside as ordered by the head of security.

It’s thus demonstrated that those who are responsible for causing danger to humans are the executives of the economic Power and establishment’s mechanisms and central structures, such as banks and the stock exchange, who consider people and entire populations to be expendable, and even the security officers of their facilities. Because, for them, their profits override everything; their profits, which are dipped in blood and misery, override human life itself. These are the mechanisms that the Greek people consider responsible for the policy implemented over the last six years, which has resulted in thousands of deaths and millions of poor, destitute and hungry people. These are the mechanisms whose executives (bankers, major shareholders, big businesspeople) alongside their subordinates (politicians of Greek governments) the Greek people consider responsible for the devaluation of life of millions of people, for suicides and pauperisation; not the fighters of Revolutionary Struggle. Revolutionary Struggle’s attacks against such mechanisms and structures are to a great extent popularly and socially accepted.

In both the 1st and 2nd trial against the organisation, I have been consistent in facing the enemy at special courts. This entails the undertaking of political responsibility, the political defense of Revolutionary Struggle’s activity, armed struggle and Revolution for the overthrow of the State and Capital, without counting the cost and the price. This is the duty of every fighter, every anarchist, every revolutionary who is faced with judges and organs of the enemy. The sentence to 50 years imprisonment in the 1st trial was based on the undertaking of political responsibility. This is why we were convicted as accomplices in the organisation’s 16 actions by the theorem of collective responsibility, rather than being convicted as actual perpetrators. The State’s response to the fact I remain consistent in my trajectory as a fighter and continue to defend Revolutionary Struggle, and by extension armed struggle and the prospect of Revolution and the establishment’s overthrow, was the outcome of the 2nd trial, where I was sentenced to life imprisonment for one action, the bombing attack against the Bank of Greece. My entire trajectory after the initial arrests in 2010, the fact that Revolutionary Struggle stayed alive during the pretrial detention in 2010–11, the fact that comrade Roupa and I defended the organisation’s activity at the 1st special court, our choice to not surrender ourselves to prison, to go into clandestinity and continue armed struggle and the organisation’s activity with the attack against the Bank of Greece, this entire trajectory and all these choices are based on the undertaking of political responsibility for our participation in Revolutionary Struggle after being captured in 2010. This is what the State attempted to crash by means of the decision of the 2nd trial against the organisation.

My sentence of life in prison was a message to the fighters who assume political responsibility and do not repudiate their activity and membership in their organisation.

Things are becoming increasingly clearer for the fighters who want to resist and the political prisoners. The dilemma “repudiation or life imprisonment” (in the old days there was execution by firing squad) comes into effect; a dilemma put by Power, a dilemma that in the old days was “repudiation or death”.

Over time, in order to suppress any revolutionary perspective, the State doesn’t confine itself to military predominance over its rivals only, but it also attempts their political defeat by forcing them into political repudiation. In the case of the Western-European urban guerrilla in the 70s and 80s, especially in Italy, the target of political repudiation was not one’s convictions or political identity, but rather armed struggle as being one of the means of struggle and urban guerrilla organisations. In Greece, the dilemma put by Power was once this: either repudiation of communism, or imprisonment and, in other circumstances, execution by firing squad. Nowadays, more indirectly, the dilemma is this: either choice of armed revolutionary struggle with heavy costs and consequences, or renunciation of armed revolutionary struggle as being one of the means of struggle. Either undertaking of political responsibility for one’s participation in an armed organisation and defense of its activity, or acceptance of the State’s pursuit of repudiation of an armed organisation and one’s membership in it, and by extension of armed struggle, in the face of fear of going to prison.

In other, more difficult periods like the Occupation and the Civil War, the price to pay for the struggle was the firing squad; and not only for armed struggle. Many fighters faced with the dilemma “repudiation or death” preferred the firing squad; of course not because they wanted to become martyrs, but because they believed that repudiation is a shame and disgrace; as such, it was considered worse than death. There were armed militants and guerrillas of ELAS (Greek People’s Liberation Army) and DSE (Democratic Army of Greece), but also fighters that didn’t wage armed struggle, who remained unrepentant and were sent by thousands to the firing squad during the Occupation and the Civil War; they were executed in Goudi, in Kessariani shooting range, in Chaidari and Pavlou Mela camps, on Makronissos and Corfu, in Yedi Kule. Similarly in Spain, after Franco’s victory, thousands of armed anarchists who fought for Revolution in 1936–39, and waged guerrilla warfare until 1975, were sent to firing squads in Campo de la Bota, Montjuïc, Carabanchel, or strangled by the method of garrote – used as a means of execution for heretics since the Inquisition.

The struggle for the overthrow of the State and Capital is an activity that requires unwavering convictions, responsibility, consistency, commitment, political engagement, steely will, and political and theoretical knowledge of principles and experiences of the historical revolutionary tradition. How can we even talk about struggle, social liberation, revolution, Anarchy, asking others to participate in a subversive struggle with all the costs and consequences that it entails, if we ourselves are unable to assume responsibility for our political choices?

For the first time in decades – since the era of the post-Civil War State, when ELAS guerrillas who were excluded by the 1945 Treaty of Varkiza, which didn’t recognise their activity as being political, as well as those of DSE remained in prison for at least 15 years – there is a prospect that political prisoners sentenced to 25 years or life imprisonment for armed revolutionary action will remain many years in the prisons of the contemporary Greek State-marionette of the supranational economic elite. We’re going through a period where Power is even indirectly trying to pose dilemmas for educing credentials once again, as in the past, to break us with the spectre of long-term incarceration.

The struggle for Social Revolution, for overthrowing the State and Capital, must go on despite the difficulties, the cost and consequences. We will never surrender the weapons of our struggle.

NO PEACE, NO TRUCE WITH THE STATE AND CAPITAL
ARMED STRUGGLE FOR SOCIAL REVOLUTION
HONOUR FOREVER TO COMRADE LAMBROS FOUNDAS,
MEMBER OF REVOLUTIONARY STRUGGLE

Nikos Maziotis, member of Revolutionary Struggle

http://325.nostate.net/?p=19401

Greece: Open letter of Pola Roupa about the attempt to break Nikos Maziotis out of Koridallos prison

Under other circumstances, this text would be written by Revolutionary Struggle. However, the outcome of the attempt to break out the comrade Nikos Maziotis of Koridallos prison obliges me to speak personally.

On February 21st [2016], I attempted to break out Revolutionary Struggle member Nikos Maziotis by helicopter. The operation was planned so that other political prisoners could join us, who wished to make their way to freedom. Details of the plan, how I managed to evade the security measures and board the helicopter armed, have no special significance and I will not refer to them; despite the fact that there has been a lot of misinformation. Just for the sake of clarity, I will only mention that the plan was not based on any previous helicopter prison escape, it is not associated with any findings of plans not yet implemented, and I do not have any relation to another fugitive person despite media portrayals to the contrary. Also, this attempt was not preceded by any escape plan that “was wrecked”, as reported by some media.

A quarter of the journey after our takeoff from Thermisia in Argolida, I took out my gun and I asked the pilot to change course. Of course, he did not understand who I am, but he realised it was an attempted prison break. He panicked. He attacked me pulling out a gun – a fact he “omitted”. Also because they will likely try to refute the fact he was armed, I remind everyone that there are publicly available reports about the discovery of two mags in the helicopter. One was mine, but the second wasn’t mine. The second mag was from his own gun, which he dropped from his hands during our scuffle during flight. And as for me, of course I had a second mag. Would I go to such an operation with only one mag?

He lost control of the helicopter and shouted in panic “we will get killed”. The description that was presented of a helicopter substantially unmanageable is true. But these images did not result from my actions, but his. The helicopter was losing altitude and swirled in the air. We flew a few meters over electricity wires. I screamed to him to pull up the helicopter, to do what I tell him so no one will get hurt.

Within no time at all, we were on the ground. Those who speak of a dispassionate reaction of the pilot, apparently judging from the result, don’t know what they are talking about.

Instead of doing what I told him to do, he preferred to risk crashing with me in a collision of the helicopter, which didn’t happen by chance. It goes without saying that upon entering the helicopter and trying to gain control of it, to direct it to the prisons, I had made my decision. If he refused to do what I told him, I would naturally react. Those who claim I was responsible for the uncontrolled descent of the helicopter, from 5,000 feet to the ground, what did they expect? That I would have said “if you don’t want to come to the prisons, never mind”? I fired my gun and we engaged – both armed – in a scuffle during flight.

He preferred to risk crashing with me on the mountain than to obey. When we finally landed on the ground with speed, even though I knew the operation was lost, I had every opportunity to execute him. I consciously decided not to do so. Although I knew that with this decision I was endangering my life or freedom, I did not execute him even though I had the chance. He himself knows this very well. The only factor that held me back was my political conscience. And I took this decision, risking my own life and possibility to get away.

Regarding the prison escape operation itself, it’s obvious that all possible safety measures were taken in order to safeguard the undertaking against the armed guards patrolling the prison perimeter, and I even carried a bulletproof vest for the pilot as well. In this case, the purpose was to make the prison break happen in a way that would ensure the lowest possible risk for the helicopter, the comrades and, of course, the pilot. I acted with the same thought when we landed on the ground; despite the fact that the operation failed because of the pilot; despite the fact that he was armed. I essentially put his life over my own life and safety. But I am to reconsider this specific choice.

Organising to break out Nikos Maziotis was a political decision, as much as it was a political decision to liberate other political prisoners as well. It was not a personal choice. If I wanted to only liberate my comrade Nikos Maziotis, I wouldn’t have chartered a large helicopter – a fact that made the operation’s organising more complex. The aim of the operation was the liberation of other political prisoners as well; those who actually wanted, together with us, to make their way to freedom.

This action, therefore, despite its personal dimensions that are known, was not a personal choice but a political one. It was a step in the path to Revolution. The same goes for every action I have carried out and for every action I will make in the future. These are links in a chain of revolutionary planning aimed to create more favourable political and social conditions, for broadening and strengthening revolutionary struggle. Below I will refer to the political basis of this choice; but first I have to talk about facts, and the way I have operated until now in regard to some of these facts.

As I previously mentioned, every action I carry out concerns an act related to political planning. In the same context, I expropriated a branch of Piraeus Bank on the premises of Sotiria Hospital in Athens last June [2015]. With this money, in addition to my survival in “clandestinity”, I secured the organising of my action and financing of the operation for the liberation of Nikos Maziotis and other political prisoners from Koridallos women’s prisons. The reason I refer to this expropriation (I couldn’t care less about the penal consequences of this admittance) is because, at this time, I consider it absolutely necessary to disclose how I operate in regard to the safety of civilians, who in certain circumstances happen to be present in revolutionary actions I am involved in, and my perspective about this issue on the occasion – always mutatis mutandis – of the prison escape attempt.

In the case of the expropriation of Piraeus Bank branch, what I mentioned to the bank clerks when we walked into the bank was that they should not press the alarm button, because this would endanger their own safety, since I wasn’t willing to leave the bank without the money. I did not threaten them, nor would they ever be in danger because of me. They would only be in danger because of the police, if cops arrived at the spot and we subsequently had an armed clash. And the police would only arrive if any clerks pressed the bank alarm. This was a development which they themselves wanted to avoid. Because people who happen to be present in every such action are not afraid of those trying to expropriate, but instead the police intervening. Besides, it’s really stupid for anyone to attempt to defend money belonging to bankers. And for the record, when a female clerk told me “we ourselves are also poor people,” I suggested to her that we step over to a “blind” spot, where cameras can’t see us, to let her have 5,000 euros, which she did not accept, apparently out of fear. If she had accepted the money, she can be sure I would not speak publicly about it. And one detail: what I was holding was a medical apron to conceal my gun while waiting outside the bank; it was not a towel(!), as mentioned several times.

In every period of time, in the struggle for Revolution – as is also the case in all wars – at times the revolutionaries are obliged to seek the assistance of civilians in their fight. The historical examples are too many – an attempt to document them would fill an entire book, and this isn’t the time to expand on the matter – both in Greece and in armed movements and organisations in other countries. In such cases, however, we essentially ask them to take sides in a war. Once someone refuses to assist, their stance is not just about the particular practice, but an overall hostile stance against the struggle. They endanger or cancel undertakings, they put the lives of fighters in danger, they throw obstacles in the way of a revolutionary process. They take a position against a social and class war.

Neither at Piraeus Bank branch nor during the attempted helicopter escape did I make my identity known. Therefore, no one involved in these cases knew that those were political actions. But after the failed escape attempt, and given that – as I already mentioned – I had the opportunity to kill the pilot but I didn’t, risking my own life, I have to make the following public: from now on, whenever I need the assistance of civilians again, and if I deem it necessary, I will make my identity known from the outset. Since my mission in any case concerns the promotion of the struggle for overthrowing the criminal establishment, let everyone know that any possible refusal of cooperating and effort of obstructing the action will be treated accordingly.

I am, of course, aware of the personal details of the pilot, but I did not threaten his family. I would never threaten families and children.

This is my balance sheet after the escape attempt, one I must make public.

THE PRISON ESCAPE OPERATION WAS A REVOLUTIONARY CHOICE

[…]

I ATTEMPTED THE PRISON ESCAPE FOR SOCIAL REVOLUTION
ALL MY LIFE I STRUGGLE FOR SOCIAL REVOLUTION
I WILL CONTINUE TO STRUGGLE FOR SOCIAL REVOLUTION

Pola Roupa
member of Revolutionary Struggle

https://en-contrainfo.espiv.net/2016/03/13/greece-open-letter-of-pola-roupa-about-the-attempt-to-break-nikos-maziotis-out-of-koridallos-prison/

Greece: Prison sentences in the 2nd trial against Revolutionary Struggle

On March 3rd 2016, the Koridallos prison court sentenced all co-accused in the second trial against Revolutionary Struggle with regard to the attack with a car bomb containing 75kg of explosives against the Bank of Greece’s Supervision Directorate in central Athens on April 10th 2014; the shootout in Monastiraki on July 16th 2014 (when comrade Nikos Maziotis was injured and recaptured by police); and expropriations of bank branches.

Revolutionary Struggle member Nikos Maziotis was sentenced to life in prison plus 129 years and a fine of 20,000 euros.

Revolutionary Struggle (fugitive) member Pola Roupa was sentenced to 11 years in prison on misdemeanor charges (if arrested, she will stand trial on felony charges, too).

Antonis Stamboulos was sentenced to 13 years in prison.

Giorgos Petrakakos was sentenced to 36 years in prison plus a fine of 9,000 euros.

https://en-contrainfo.espiv.net/2016/03/03/athens-prison-sentences-in-the-2nd-trial-against-revolutionary-struggle/

Greece: Police allege helicopter escape attempt by revolutionary comrades held hostage in Korydallos Prison, implicate comrade in clandestinity Pola Roupa of Revolutionary Struggle

Over the last days an anti-terrorist media spectacle is unfolding in Greece. Police released a statement about an incident of attempted helicopter hijack on 21 February; a woman using a fake ID card and apparently with the description of Pola Roupa, clandestine member of R.O. – Revolutionary Struggle attempted to hijack a helicopter departing from Thebes with a pistol. The woman had booked a flight to pick up 5 people at a pre-arranged route, but caused the pilot at gunpoint to change direction towards Attica. At one point, the pilot fought back, being an ex-policeman, who claimed to have recognised Roupa through media photographs. He tried to take the pistol, leading to a struggle which ended in the helicopter being brought down with two bullet holes in the windshield and one in the instrument panel. The woman then escaped and so far has not been captured. Police recovered a pistol mag, headphones and a wig which were sent for forensic analysis. The police believe that this was an attempt to spring imprisoned member of Revolutionary Struggle, Nikos Maziotis, from Korydallos Prison, and they also speak as well of anarchist comrade Antonis Stamboulos, bank robber Giorgos Petrakakos and “at least 2 to 3 members” of R.O. – Conspiracy of Cells of Fire who are suspected of participating. The police now attempt to reconstruct the “synchronisation” of the imprisoned comrades and locate the woman who made the defeated hijacking operation.

Maziotis is held in the isolation dungeon which is the basement of the Woman’s Section of Korydallos, where members of R.O. – November 17 and R.O. – Conspiracy of Cells of Fire are also held. Searches by the security forces took place in all parts of the isolation basement yesterday night revealing absolutely nothing.

http://325.nostate.net/?p=18994

Griechenland: Erster Teil der Prozesserklärung von Nikos Maziotis

In Griechenland hat der Prozess gegen den Revolutionären Kampf begonnen. Im Folgenden dokumentieren wir den ersten Teil der Prozesserklärung von Nikos Maziotis:

Übernahme der Verantwortung durch “Revolutionärer Kampf”

Am 10. April 2010 verübte “Revolutionärer Kampf” einen Bombenanschlag gegen die Verwaltungsaufsicht der Bank von Griechenland in Athen in der Amerikis Strasse, wo sich der ständige Vertreter des IME in Griechenland Wes McGrew aufhält.

Obwohl der Anschlag gegen die Bank von Griechenland gerichtet war, wurde auch in der gegenüberliegenden Zentralstelle der Piraeus Bank Schaden verursacht, eine Tatsache, die den Anschlag viel erfolgreicher macht, weil sich die Piraeus Bank mit dem Lösegeld der Agricultural Bank zu einer der grössten griechischen Banken entwickelt hat und Gewinne durch die vorbereitende Memorandums Politik machte, die während der letzten Jahre gegen das griechische Volk durchgesetzt wurde, was einer der finanziellen Faktoren ist, der für das Leiden mitverantwortlich ist.
Der Anschlag wurde mit einer Auto-Bombe, die 75 Kilo Sprengstoff (ANFO) enthielt, durchgeführt. Vier Jahre nach dem Repressionsschlag gegen die Gruppe und während der Staat und viele andere Feinde des bewaffneten Kampfes den “Erfolg der Entmachtung des Revolutionärer Kampf” feierten, hat ihnen diese Aktion widersprochen. Der Anschlag gegen die Bank von Griechenland ist dem Genossen Lambros Fountas, Anarchist und Mitglied des “Revolutionärer Kampf” gewidmet, der in einem Kampf mit Polizisten in Dafni am 10. März 2010 während einer vorbereitenden Aktion der Gruppe getötet wurde. Der Genosse verlor sein Leben bei einem Auto-Enteignungsversuch, der in einer Aktion des “Revolutionärer Kampf” hätte benutzt werden sollen. Das war die Strategie der Gruppe in jener Zeit, der Zeit des Beginns der Finanzkrise.

Diese Strategie sollte jene Strukturen, Institutionen und Personen treffen und sabotieren, die eine zentrale Rolle im historisch grössten Angriff gegen das Volk spielten, der mit der Unterzeichnung des ersten Memorandums im Mai 2010 ins Leben gerufen wurde.
Lambros Fountas kämpfte und verlor sein Leben, damit die Diktatur der Finanz- und Polit-Eliten ihre Absichten nicht verwirklichen können, die Diktatur der Troika, der IME, der EZB und des Europäischen Komitees. Er hat gekämpft und hat sein Leben gegeben, damit die Diktatur des Kapitals und des Staates mit ihren Absichten keinen Erfolg haben, der Totalitarismus, der auf dem ganzen Planeten erzwungen wird, und der die globale Finanzkrise verursacht. Lambros Fountas gab kämpfend sein Leben, damit die Krise zu einer Chance für die soziale Revolution gemacht wird!
Der Anschlag gegen die Bank von Griechenland ist Teil der Fortsetzung der strategischen Anschläge gegen Citibank, Eurobank und die Börse. Zu Ehren des Genossen wurde der Aktion gegen die Bank von Griechenland der Name “Kommando Lambros Fountas” gegeben, weil die grösste Ehre für einen Genossen, der sein Leben für den Kampf gegeben hat, die Fortsetzung des Kampfes für den er kämpfte und starb ist. Und dieser Kampf hatte nicht, hat jetzt nicht und wird auch in der Zukunft kein anderes Ziel haben als den Umsturz des Kapitalismus und des Staates, die soziale Revolution!

Antwort auf die Rückkehr der Märkte

Wir wählten den 10.April 2010 für den Anschlag, weil, wie alle sehr gut verstanden haben (die Regierung, die politischen Parteien, die GriechenInnen selbst und die internationalen Massenmedien), dieses Datum den Gang des griechischen Staates in die Märkte auf der Suche nach dem ersten langfristigen Darlehen nach vier Jahren anzeigte, während am nächsten Tag, dem 11. April 2010, die Chefin des stärksten europäischen Staates, die Anführerin der Einführung der extremen neoliberalen Politik und der Sparmassnahmen in ganz Europa und eine der idealsten UnterstützerInnen der Interessen der Europäischen Finanzelite, die TerroristInnenführerin Bundeskanzlerin Angela Merkel nach Griechenland kam, für die politische und finanzielle Kapitalisierung des “Griechischen Erfolges”. Dem griechische Staat gelang es, 3 Milliarden € durch den Verkauf einer fünfjährigen Anleihe mit Zinsen und Zinseszinsen von 4,95% an die üblichen Kriminellen, die SpielerInnen der Staatsverschuldung, zu bekommen: KapitalanlegerInnen, die berühmten Hedge-Fonds, grosse europäische und amerikanische Banken wie Morgan Stanley, USB, Goldman Sachs, HSBC, Deutsche Bank, Merrill Lynch, und alle die grossen Krähen des riesigen nationalen Kapitalangriffs “Griechenland aufkaufen”, wieder rafften sie 90% der Anleihen. Von der Regierung, den GriechInnen und einer grossen Zahl der ausländischen Massenmedien wurde dies als “Anerkennung der Märkte für den Erfolgskurs Griechenlands in Richtung eines Weges aus der Krise” bezeichnet. Verlegen, halbe Worte murmelnd, mit unklaren Argumenten, begegneten der Rest und ohne Ausnahme alle Parteien des Regimes diesem Ergebnis und akzeptierten damit indirekt die riesige Macht der Kapitalmärkte der globalen Kapitalwirtschaft, der sich früher oder später alle Regimekräfte unterwerfen werden. Und diese katholische Unterwerfung aller Regimeparteien wird durch die Unfähigkeit der Regierung bewiesen, diesem grossen Dilemma zu begegnen, das das Land in eine absolute Sackgasse führt, mit anderen Worten “niedrige Zinsen und Zinseszinsen für Darlehen mit dem Memorandum oder Darlehen durch die Märkte mit hohen Zinsen und Zinseszinsen und ohne Bedingungen”.

Weltweit begrüssten die KapitalistInnen am 10. April die lang anhaltende Politik der Schlachtung eines grossen Teils der griechischen Gesellschaft, die in den letzten 4 Jahren des Memorandums von der Troika und der griechischen Regierung verhängt wurde. Diese 4 Jahre seit dem das erste Memorandum unterzeichnet wurde, diese 4 Jahre des unversöhnlichen sozialen Krieges durch die finanzielle und politische Macht gegen die soziale Mehrheit der Gesellschaft, wurde mit grösster Brutalität verübt, was sie “Rettung des Landes aus dem Bankrott” nennen. Die Mehrheit der Menschen, die in diesem Land leben, ist sich bewusst, dass diese Rettung nur das finanzielle und politische Regime betrifft. Sie betrifft die griechischen Banken, Banken, die seit 2008 und bis heute von den Regierungen 211,5 Milliarden Euro erhalten haben: 28 von der Karamanlis-Regierung im Jahr 2008, 110, von der Regierung Papandreou in einem Zeitraum von zwei Jahren, 2010 und 2011, das ist das erste Darlehen der Troika, 48 Milliarden von der Papadimos Regierung und 25,5 Milliarden durch die Samaras-Venizelos Regierung. Die Summe überstieg die 100% des BIP, die 2/3 der griechischen Schulden entsprechen. Die “Rettung des Landes”, bezieht sich auf das Grosskapital, die hyper nationale herrschende Klasse und die mächtigen FührerInnen des Landes. Es betrifft die Strukturen und Institutionen des globalen Kapitalismus. Es betrifft die Staaten, die politischen Sachen in Griechenland und Europa, jede Art von politischen KollaborateurInnen des Regimes, die es unter allen Umständen unterstützen. Es geht um eine verachtenswerte Minderheit der griechischen Gesellschaft.

Diejenigen, die diese Rettung nicht betrifft, die im Gegenteil mit ihrem Blut diese Rettung des Systems aus der Krise bezahlten, sind die Mehrheit der Menschen. Sie sind die 5 Millionen Menschen, die unter Armuts-Bedingungen leben, die 2,5 Millionen Menschen, die in totalem Elend leben, sie sind die 700.000 Kinder, die nicht über eine Existenzgrundlage verfügen, die unterernährt sind, die frieren, die schwach sind vor Hunger, die in Institutionen für einen Teller Essen enden. Sie sind diejenigen, die krank werden, diejenigen die verrückt werden, diejenigen, die wegen ihrer Schulden ihre Häuser and die Banken und den Staat verlieren, diejenigen, die ohne Strom sind, diejenigen, die nicht die Grundlagen zum Überleben haben. Sie sind die 4000 Menschen, die Selbstmord begingen, weil sie finanziell zerstört wurden. Sie sind die Tausenden von Obdachlosen, die nach einer einfachen Mahlzeit suchen, diejenigen, die mit Müll gespiesen werden, diejenigen, die am Rande langsam sterben. Sie alle sind die Verdammten, die finanziell und sozial gescheitert sind, die mit ihrem Leben und dem Leben ihrer Kinder “die Rettung des Landes” bezahlen. All diese verstehen jetzt, was es für ihr Leben bedeutet, bankrott zu sein, was es für ihr Leben bedeutet, wertlos zu sein. Sie verstehen, dass die “Vermeidung des Bankrotts Griechenlands” Krieg gegen die Gesellschaft bedeutet, soziale Euthanasie. Die Krise ist nicht zu Ende, “ein Gang in die Märkte” bedeutet nicht “den Anfang vom Ende”, wie die kriminellen PolitikerInnen der Regierung und ihre KollaborateurInnen argumentieren. Die Kapitalmärkte mit ihrem “Vertrauen in Griechenland” erzeugen nicht die Verbesserung der griechischen Wirtschaft. Sie unterschreiben einfach eine neue spekulative Geschichte deren Ziel die Gewinne der nahen Zukunft sind. Und wenn man bedenkt, dass eine repräsentative Zeitung des Grosskapitals, die Financial Times, nach dem “erfolgreichen Exit des griechischen Staates auf die Märkte” schrieb, dass “die griechische Wirtschaft weder auf dem Weg der Genesung, noch in einer Rezession ist, sondern einfach zusammengebrochen ist”, und hinzufügt, dass “die griechische Wirtschaft dem Zusammenbruch überlassen werden muss”, erkennen wir, dass die Erfolgsgeschichte in Griechenland als eine Blase gesehen wird, ein gut organisierter Betrug, dies wird sogar von einem Teil der hyper nationalen wirtschaftlichen Elite so verstanden. Die Tatsache, dass die griechischen Anleihen von den Krähen des Grosskapitals gekauft wurden, ist ein Hinweis darauf, dass die globale Krise nicht zu Ende, sondern noch grösser ist. Da die “grosse Liquidität”, für das Kapital der Kreditsphäre stagniert und keine anderen Profite zu finden sind, wenden sie sich wieder massiv dem Staatsverschuldungs-Markt zu und investieren sogar in zerstörte Volkswirtschaften wie die griechische, deren Schulden wegen der hohen Zinsen und Zinseszinsen besonders rentabel sind. Zur gleichen Zeit stellen die Garantien aus dem Euroraum und vor allem die des stärksten europäischen Staates, Deutschland – wie auch das britische Recht (auf dem die Bedingungen der neuen Anleihen basieren und eine einseitige Kündigung verbieten) sicher, dass von nun an jede Art von Schulden-Geier, einschliesslich die grossen europäischen und amerikanischen Banken, über die griechischen Anleihen herfallen. Ihre Eile für Investitionen in die griechischen Schulden ist analog zu den Profit-Problemen mit denen die grossen Kapitale wegen der Krise konfrontiert sind, eine Tatsache, die wir sehr gut kennen, deshalb machten wir uns keine Illusionen, dass die griechische Anleihe nach dem Anschlag gegen die Bank von Griechenland annulliert werden würde. Der erneute Angriff der Märkte auf die Staatsverschuldung kommt nach einer langen Reihe von institutioneller und struktureller Stützung der Euro-Zone um die Krise zu stoppen, ein Vorgehen das eine vorübergehende Stabilisierung des Europäischen kapitalistischen Systems bewirkte. Wie ein ausländischer Reporter sagte, “in Wirklichkeit kaufen die Investoren nicht Griechenland, sie kaufen Euro, sie kaufen Europa”. Doch was die AnlegerInnen im Wesentlichen “Kaufen” ist die europäische politische und soziale Stabilität. Sie “kaufen” die Abwesenheit einer Bedrohung durch eine starke revolutionäre Bewegung, die der einzige wirkliche Widerstand gegen die Reproduktion des kapitalistischen Systems durch die Politik des Regimes wäre. Sie “kaufen” das Fehlen eines erweiterten sozialen revolutionären Prozesses zum Ausstieg aus der Krise, den Ausstieg aus der Herrschaft des Kapitals und des Staates. Sie “kaufen” die Zusicherungen der Regierung, dass sie in der Lage ist, die soziale Unterwerfung zu gebieten. Der Anschlag auf die Bank von Griechenland kommt, um diesen Vertrag ein paar Stunden vor dem Verkauf der Anleihen anzugreifen.

Wir haben das Schlimmste der Krise noch nicht gesehen. Dieser Krieg wird mit unverminderter Spannung fortgesetzt werden. Das System ist durstig nach mehr Blut, nach mehr Menschenopfer. Wer nicht an Hunger stirbt, an Krankheit, Kälte, Verzweiflung, wird ein elender Sklave des Kapitals sein. Sie haben uns bereits alles genommen. Wir sind immer noch am morschen Schiff des kapitalistischen Überlebens angekettet. Was können wir noch verlieren? Geduld, Ausdauer, Selbstbeherrschung, alles leere Worte, die von den politischen Papageien des Regimes diktiert werden, deren einziges Ziel ist es, das Regime der gesellschaftlichen Versklavung zu bewahren, um Defätismus und Entsagung aufrecht zu erhalten, um den Aufstand der Verdammten zu verhindern. In der Geschichte des Kapitalismus hat es noch nie in einer Zeit des Friedens eine Zeit wie diese gegeben, in der ein so unversöhnlicher Krieg gegen die Menschen geführt wurde. Ein Krieg ohne Schlachten, Bomben und Waffen. Die aktuelle soziale und humanistische Krise in diesem Land kennt keinen Präzedenzfall, sein massives soziales Elend kann nur mit dem eines echten Krieg verglichen werden. Und die Verantwortung für diese Situation, die in der Tat sozialen Völkermord empfiehlt, kommt von diejenigen, die bewusst die Memorandums Politik durchgesetzt haben, diejenigen, die abgestimmt haben und das erste Memorandum eingeführt haben, das mittelfristige Programm und das zweite Memorandum, zusammen mit der hyper nationalen Kommission des Grosskapitals, das ist die Troika der IME, der EZB, des Europäischen Komitees.

Auf der anderen Seite, gab es nie eine grössere Notwendigkeit für die Menschen, sich gegen ihre Herrscher zu erheben. Sich zu organisieren und für den Umsturz des Systems zu kämpfen. Nie zuvor gab es eine zwingendere Notwendigkeit für einen grossen bewaffneten Kampf des Volkes gegen die wirtschaftliche und politische Macht. Um jene zu schlagen, die für die soziale Misere verantwortlich sind. Um die zu schlagen, die für die Zerstörung der Menschenwürde verantwortlich sind. Um jenen Regime PolitikerInnen den Rücken zuzudrehen, die mit dem Leben der Menschen spekulieren, mit ihren Lügen und ihrem Wunsch nach Macht. Dies ist die Zeit, unsere Köpfe zu erheben, unsere Angst loszulassen, und den Mut zu finden, sie zu bekämpfen. Denn das einzige, was sie stark bleiben lässt, das einzige, was ihr faules System aufrecht hält ist die soziale Unterwerfung.

Der bewaffnete Kampf ist heute notwendiger denn je. Es ist der Ruf nach dem Aufstand der ProletarierInnen in Griechenland, in Europa, in der ganzen Welt. Es ist der Ruf nach dem Aufstand aller SklavInnen unserer Zeit. Der Aufruf, gegen ihre Politik der “finanziellen Rettung”, die nur Katastrophen bringt, zu kämpfen. Das wirtschaftliche und politische Regime endlich in den Bankrott zu zwingen, zu kollabieren. Es ist der Ruf nach der militanten, der revolutionären Versammlung. Die VerbrecherInnen der herrschenden Klasse und des Staates und jede Art von Betrug der Regime-PolitikerInnen loszuwerden. Zu nehmen was uns gehört dem Volk, um den gesellschaftlichen Reichtum in unsere eigenen Hände zu nehmen, um ihn gemäss unseren wirklichen Bedürfnissen zu verwalten. Eine Gesellschaft nicht der Profite zu schaffen sondern der sozialen Solidarität. Eine Gesellschaft der wirtschaftlichen und politischen Gleichberechtigung, einer Gesellschaft der echten und freien Menschen zu schaffen.

Griechenland: Neuigkeiten im Prozess gegen den Revolutionären Kampf

Der neue Prozess gegen den Revolutionären Kampf, welcher sich auf die zweite Phase ihrer Aktivität zwischen dem Untertauchen von Nikos Maziotis und Pola Roupa bis zur Verhaftung von Nikos bezieht, hat begonnen. Vier Personen sind angeklagt: Nikos Maziotis, angeklagt als “Leader” der Gruppe, Pola Roupa, die immer noch in der Illegalität ist, A. Sotiropoulou, der die Anschuldigungen von sich weist aber seine anarchistische Identität verteidigt, und der kürzlich verhaftete G. Petrakakos. Die vier sind der Zugehörigkeit zu und Beteiligung in einer terroristischen Gruppe beschuldigt, des Angriffs mit einer Autobombe gegen die Bank von Griechenland in der Amerikisstrasse im April 2014, dem Besitz und der Verteilung von Sprengstoff sowie wegen zwei Banküberfällen. Nikos ist in einem zusätzlichen Punkt angeklagt, nämlich des Mordversuchs während der Schiesserei vor seiner Verhaftung am 16. Juli 2014.

Während dem Gerichtstermin vom 19. Oktober hat Nikos erklärt, dass es keine Überfälle gab, sondern nur die Enteignung von räuberischen Organisationen. Danach verlas er ein Manifest, welches bald auf Französisch verfügbar sein wird: Diejenigen, die mit 300 bis 400 Euro im Monat leben, werden durch den Revolutionären Kampf nicht terrorisiert, sondern durch euch und euer Regime. Nikos hat sich als anarchistischer Kriegsgefangener bezeichnet.

An seiner Seite hat sich auch Stamboulou als anarchistischer Kriegsgefangener bezeichnet, welcher alle Anschuldigungen gegen ihn ablehnt und ins Zentrum rückte, dass seine juristische Verfolgung einer Wut des Repressionsapparat entstamme. Schliesslich hat Petrakakos alle Anschuldigungen abgelehnt und vor Gericht geschwiegen. Der Richter antwortete, dass die Gerichtstermine am Nachmittag weitergehen und ausdrücklich gesagt, dass er die maximale Zeit in Untersuchungshaft von 18 Monaten für Stamboulou umgehen will. Die Anwälte der Verteidigung haben den Fakt kritisiert, dass das Gericht lieber speditiv als legal agieren will. Trotz Proteste des Publikums begannen die Zeugeneinvernahmen am Nachmittag.

http://www.secoursrouge.org/Grece-Les-dernieres-nouvelles-du-proces-contre-Lutte-Revolutionnaire

Griechenland: Nikos Maziotis zu Wahlboykott und bewaffneten Kampf

“Das erste Mal links” – Das Land ist ein Pulverfass, ein Funke genügt, um Staat und Kapital hochzujagen

Athen – N. Maziotis, neue Übersetzung: “Das Land ist ein Pulverfass, es braucht nur einen Funken oder Zünder um Staat und Kapital hochzujagen.”

Bezüglich des neuen Memorandums und der Wahlen am 20. September

Das dritte Memorandum, das die SYRIZA Regierung abzeichnete, markiert den kompletten politischen Bankrott des linken Regimes und seines chimärischen Strebens nach einem “menschlicheren” Kapitalismus. Nach der Amtsübernahme letzten Januar markiert es außerdem den Kollaps des Versuchs der SYRIZA die Niederlage der sozialen Massenbewegungen der Periode 2010-2012 zu verwalten. Für diejenigen ohne Illusionen war die Zeit bis zur Annahme des 3. Memorandums einfach eine Phase des Wartens auf den vorhergesagten Rückzug von den Wahlversprechen, das Memorandum anzufechten, neu zu verhandeln und dem teilweisen Abschreiben der Schulden und der gleichzeitigen Politik der Armutsbekämpfung. Das Warten begann mit der Vereinbarung vom 20. Februar, welche das zweite Memorandum verlängerte und endete – trotz der Ablehnung der Forderungen der Gläubiger durch 62% der Wähler*innen am 5. Juli – mit dem dritten Memorandum, welches wesentlich härtere Maßnahmen vorsieht als das im Referendum abgelehnte. Innerhalb weniger Monate zog sich Syriza hinter seine “roten Linien” zurück, ergab sich komplett und akzeptierte die Forderungen der Gläubiger, diesmal viel brutaler als die von der Vorgängerregierung Samaras abgesegneten.

“Das erste Mal links” [Anm: πρώτε φορά αριστερά- ein populärer Syriza Slogan, der beansprucht sie wären die erste linke Regierung in der Geschichte Griechenlands, als ob sie irgendwie anders als PASOK wären] und die totale Demütigung des Willens der sozialen Mehrheit, die Politiken des Memorandums loszuwerden, welche sie zu Leibeigenen des Marktes macht, ist beispiellos.

“Das erste Mal links” und es gab schneller und lauter widerhallend Leugnung und Betrug der Erwartungen als durch alle vorherigen Regierungen, der sich das politische Gedächtnis entsinnen könnte. “Das erste Mal links” und die Troika, umgetauft in “Die Institutionen”, wurde das erste Mal vierteilig, denn neben der EU, der EZB und dem IWF, welche die wirklichen Herren des Landes sind, dürfen wir jetzt auch noch den europäischen Stabilitätsmechanismus (ESM) begrüßen, bei dem die Syriza-Regierung neue Schuldenabkommen beantragte und das 3. Memorandum unterschrieb. “Das erste Mal links” und der Raubzug gegen die Bevölkerung und insbesondere die Armen eskaliert mit weiteren Lohn- und Rentenkürzungen, mit der Erhöhung des Renteneintrittsalters, mit grausamen Steuererhöhungen und der Plünderung öffentlichen Eigentums durch weitere Privatisierungen. Das linke Regime führt passenderweise die Politik des sozialen Völkermords fort, den die Regierung Papandreou (und damit der “linke” Flügel des PASOK) eingeleitet hatte und die von der Samaras-Regierung mit der Unterzeichnung des 2. Memorandums fortgesetzt wurde. Die Namen von Tsipras, Varoufakis, Dragasaki, Skourletis, Pappas, Voutsis, Lafazanis können zur Liste der kriminellen Politiker wie Papandreou und Venizelos, Papaconstantinou, Loverdos, Chrisochoïdis, Samaras, Mitsotakis, Vroutsi, Georgiadis und anderen, die als Marionetten der internationalen wirtschaftlichen Elite agierten, dazu gefügt werden. Mit der Verabschiedung des 3. Memorandums hat Syriza allerdings in Wahrheit seinen eigenen politischen Bankrott und die politische Ächtung unterschrieben, denn um die neuen Vereinbarungen mit den Gläubigern durchzupeitschen, basierte die Unterstützung mehr auf den Stimmen der Opposition, der “pro-europäischen” Parteien ND, Potami und PASOK, welche zur Spaltung des Syriza führte und zu vorzeitigen Neuwahlen am 20. September zwangen. Diese Entwicklungen zeigen das Ausmaß der Blamage des bourgeoisen Parlamentarismus und das das System mehr destabilisiert ist als jemals zuvor. Der “Sozialen Mehrheit”, den Hungrigen, den Verarmten, den Notleidenden, den Arbeitslosen, den Obdachlosen, den Arbeiter*innen und Jugendlichen bleibt erst recht nichts zu erhoffen von diesen Wahlen. Wie ich bereits zu den vorherigen Wahlen des Januars 2015 ausgeführt hatte, kann die Lösung nicht durch Wahlen erfolgen, sondern nur durch die Bevölkerung in Waffen. Niemand hat etwas zu erhoffen von den Kriminellen der politischen Parteien, diesen nützlichen Idiot*innen und Marionetten der internationalen wirtschaftlichen Eliten und der Europäischen Union, den Umsetzer*innen der Politik der Memoranden, auch hat niemand irgend etwas zu erwarten von den “anti-Memorandum-Erretter*innen”, die sich aus dem Zerbrechen des Syriza entwickelt haben, der “Volkseinheit”, der ehemaligen “Linken Plattform” im Syriza-Bündnis, der Unterstützer*innen der Idee einer eigenen nationalen Währung, die sich ständig als anti-memorandum präsentieren. Die “Volkseinheit” (LAE) ist selbst insolvent und unglaubwürdig, genauso insolvent and unglaubwürdig wie Syriza war, bevor es an die Macht kam, als es mit anti-memorandum Rhetorik und einem unrealistischen sozial-demokratischen und keynesianischen Programm auftischte. Diese Entwicklungen eines neuen “linken Memorandums” bestätigen unsere Voraussagungen als “Revolutionärer Kampf” bezüglich der Transformation des Syriza zu einer neoliberalen Partei, was wir, lange bevor es an die Macht kam, voraussagten. Mit nunmehr allen politischen Parteien diskreditiert, mit PASOK und ANEL nicht weit weg von ihrer Inexistenz, mit Syriza, innerhalb von 7 Monaten bankrott und umgewandelt in eine schlicht neoliberale Partei und mit dem ND wegen dem 2. Memorandum schrumpfend, mit der LAE, die niemanden überzeugt mit ihrer Adoption des alten, gescheiterten sozialdemokratischen Programms des Syriza und mit einem großen Teil der Gesellschaft, der dem politischen System den Rücken kehrt und den Wahlen fern bleiben wird und mit nicht der geringsten Chance der Entstehung einer Mehrheitsregierung, befindet sich das Land in einem Zustand der permanenten politischen Instabilität, den jene, die den revolutionären Umsturz wollen, ausnutzen sollten. Der Bankrott von Syriza hat Illusionen über eine systemimmanente Lösung sozialer, aus der Krise entstandener Probleme vertrieben, denn die Rettung des Systems benötigt die Versklavung und die Vernichtung großer Teile der Bevölkerung. Das Land ist ein Pulverfass und braucht bloß einen Funken oder Zünder, um Staat und Kapital hochzujagen. Die Tatsache, daß das 3. Memorandum während einer allgemeinen sozialen Apathie beschlossen werden konnte, als nur wenige raus auf die Straßen kamen und sich an den Zusammenstößen des 15. und 22. Juli beteiligten, liegt in der Sackgasse begründet, in der die sozialen Massenbewegungen in der Periode des 1. Memorandums 2010-2012 steckten, der Sackgasse der Perspektivlosigkeit und eines fehlenden Plans zum revolutionären Umsturz von Staat und Kapital und dem Fehlen einer politisch-militärischen Kraft, die beabsichtigt den Umsturz durchzuführen, sozusagen eine revolutionäre Bewegung. Diese Situation sollte uns allerdings nicht entmutigen.

Revolutionäre haben nie darauf gewartet, daß sich die Massen spontan erheben oder weil sie dazu mobilisiert werden; normalerweise gehen sie ihren Weg indem sie zuerst das Beispiel antagonistischer Aktion geben und sie ihren Vorteil aus der Unruhe an der Basis der Gesellschaft ziehen. Es gab nie vorteilhaftere Bedingungen zur Aktion, für Kämpfe, für Revolution, weil das Regime sich entwertet hat und instabil ist; und es gab nie schlimmere subjektive Bedingungen, Apathie, Leben in der Sackgasse und Resignation, wegen dem Fehlen an Perspektive und Hoffnung. Unsere Aufgabe ist es zu handeln, um die unvorteilhaften Bedingungen zu ändern, zu Hoffnung und Stärke zu Revolte und Umsturz zu inspirieren. Die Aktion besteht darin ein längst instabiles System weiter zu unterminieren und zu destabilisieren, die Sabotage der herrschenden Politiken zur Durchfühung der Memoranda und Rettungsprogramme, die Sabotage der Politik, die darauf abzielt, Investitionen multinationalen Kapitals in das Land durch Privatisierungen und Ausverkauf des gesellschaftlichen Eigentums zu ermöglichen, die Sabotage des sich verschärfenden sozialen Diebstahls und des sozialen Genozids.

Die Adaption dynamischer Formen der Aktion, Guerillakrieg und bewaffneter Kampf ist die notwendige Wahl zur Sabotage der herrschenden Politiken. Bombardement oder bewaffnete Aktion eines massiven Maßstabs, gegen Büros, Einrichtungen, Strukturen oder Einheiten der Regierung und des lokalen und internationalen Kapitals könnte das Regime noch weiter destabilisieren, Investitonen abschrecken und den Ausverkauf stoppen, indem das Land unsicher für Investoren wird. Neben der Adaption von Guerilla und bewaffneten Kampf verbinden sich unsere Kämpfe mit anderen Formen der Aktion, wie z.b. den militanten Protesten am 15. Juli, den Besetzungen oder Entlastungsaktionen für die sozial Schwachen und Verletzlichen und sie könnten soziale und populäre Akzeptanz finden und so auf dem Pfad des revolutionären Umsturzes Fuß fassen. Allerdings kann der Umsturz des kapitalistischen Staates nur durch den Rückgriff auf die Waffen garantiert werden, durch bewaffnete Einnahme von Hochburgen des Feindes, Parlament, Ministerien, Banken, der griechischen Bank und die Entwaffnung von Polizeistationen. In einer Zeit, in der alle Illusionen zerplatzen, ist bewaffnete soziale Revolution der einzige Weg vorwärts, der einzige Weg uns selbst vor dem sozialen Genozid zu retten, der uns von den internationalen ökonomischen Eliten und dem Staat aufgezwungen wird…

Um zu verhindern, daß wir weitere Tote durch Selbstmord, heilbare Krankheiten und der Kürzung zu Lasten der Grundbedürfnisse zählen müssen. Um Kinder davor zu schützen durch Hunger und Unterernährung in Ohnmacht zu fallen.

Um soziale Klassen und den Staat abzuschaffen.

Um den gesellschaftlichen Reichtum zu sozialisieren.

Um in Würde zu leben und das Leben in unsere Hände zu nehmen. Lassen wir uns nicht darüber hinweg täuschen, daß all dies nicht ohne Ziele und Pläne geschafft werden kann oder wir nicht in der Lage sind sie populär zu machen und wir uns auf einen sterilen Insurrektionalismus beschränken oder wir alternative Illussionen hegen von peripheren selbstorganisierten “Inseln der Freiheit” und Unternehmen, die den Staat umzingeln und dafür sorgen, daß die Ökonomie des Marktes verschwindet.

Lassen wir uns auch nicht darüber täuschen, daß all dies stattfinden wird ohne unser Leben und unsere Freiheit zu riskieren …Wie die Geschichte zeigt, wächst der Baum der Freiheit nur getränkt von Blut.

KEINE WAHL ILLUSIONEN

BEWAFFNETE SOZIALE REVOLUTION

N. Maziotis, Mitglied des Revolutionären Kampf, Knast von Korydallos

‘Concerning the New Memorandum and the Elections of 20 September’ by Nikos Maziois of R.O.- Revolutionary Struggle (Greece)

The 3rd Memorandum signed by the SYRIZA government marks the complete political bankruptcy of the left regime and the chimerical aspirations for a more “humane” capitalism. After taking office last January, this marks the collapse of the attempted Syriza management of the defeat of the popular social movements from the period 2010-2012. For those who had no illusions, this whole period until the adoption of the 3rd Memorandum represents simply a waiting period for the predicted backtracking, where the campaign promises to repeal or renegotiate the Memorandum and partial cancelling of the debt along with a parallel policy for the relief of the poor was first followed by the agreement of February 20 which extended the second memorandum, and then came (despite the disapproval of 62% of the voters in the referendum of July 5 rejecting the proposals of lenders) the third memorandum which is much worse than the measures rejected in the referendum.

Within a few months, Syriza crossed over its “red lines” in complete retreat and acceptance of the creditors’ demands, towards the acceptance of a Memorandum far more brutal than that which was voted by the previous Samaras government.

“First time left” [note: πρώτε φορά αριστερά- a popular Syriza slogan claiming that they were for the first time a left government in Greece’s history, as if they were somehow different from PASOK] and the total humiliation of the will of the social majority to get rid of Memorandum policies that make them serfs of the markets is unprecedented.

“First time left” and there was a quicker and more resounding denial and betrayal of expectations than all prior governments in political memory.

“First time left” and the Troika, now called “the institutions”, became officially quadripartite, since besides the EU, the ECB and the IMF who are the real masters of the country, now we also have the European Stability Mechanism (ESM) from which the SYRIZA government requested new loan agreements and signed the third memorandum.

“First time left” and the robbery against the people and the poor continues to further reduce wages and pensions, to increase the retirement age, for more savage taxation, and further accepting the privatization of public property. The left regime appropriately continues the politics of societal genocide launched in 2010 by the Papandreou government [the left of PASOK] with the first memorandum and which continued with the Samaras government signing the second memorandum.

The names of Tsipras, Varoufakis, Dragasaki, Skourletis, Pappas, Voutsis, Lafazanis, are added to the list of criminal policians such as Papandreou and Venizelos, Papaconstantinou, Loverdos, Chrisochoïdis, Samara, Mitsotakis, Vroutsi, Georgiadis and others who acted as puppets for the international economic elite.

With the passage of the third memorandum, SYRIZA signed in reality their political bankruptcy and condemnation, because in order to pass the new agreement with the lenders, support was based more on the votes of the opposition pro-European parties ND, Potami, PASOK, which led to the Syriza split which forced them to early elections on 20 September. These developments demonstrate the disgrace of bourgeois parliamentarism and that the political system is more destabilized than ever.

The social majority, the hungry, the poor, the destitute, the unemployed, the homeless, workers and youth have nothing to hope for from these elections as well. As I said before referring to the previous elections of January 2015, the solution is not given by elections, but by the people in arms.

No one has anything to hope from the criminals of political parties, the useful idiots and puppets of the international economic elites and the European Union, the implementers of the memorandum policies. No one has anything to hope from the new “anti-memorandum saviors” that emerged from the breakup of SYRIZA, Popular Unity, the former Left Platform of SYRIZA, supporters of adopting a national currency who present themselves as consistently anti-memorandum.

Popular Unity (LAE) is itself insolvent and unreliable, just as insolvent and unreliable as was Syriza well before taking power- when it appeared with anti-memorandum rhetoric and an unrealistic social-democratic and Keynesian program. These developments of the new “left Memorandum” have justified our prediction as Revolutionary Struggle concerning the transformation of SYRIZA into a neoliberal party, which we made long before they came into power. With almost all the political parties discredited, with PASOK and ANEL not far from inexistence as parties, with SYRIZA bankrupt within seven months and becoming a purely neoliberal party, with ND shrinking because of the second memorandum, with LAE not persuading anyone by adopting the old unworkable social-democrat program of SYRIZA, with a large part of society turning its back on the political system by abstaining from electoral illusions, and without any chance of a majority government, the country is in a status of permanent political instability, which those who want a revolutionary overthrow should exploit.

The bankruptcy of SYRIZA dispelled illusions about solving social problems due to the crisis within the existing system, because saving the system requires the enslavement and destruction of large sections of the population.

The country is a powder keg and needs only a spark or a detonator to blow up capital and the state

The fact that the 3rd left Memorandum passed amid general social apathy, with only a few people coming to the streets on 15 and 22 July for clashes, is the result of the deadlock of the major social and popular movements of the period of the First Memorandum from 2010-2012, a deadlock due to the lack of perspective and proposals for the revolutionary overthrow of capital and the state and the lack of an organized political-military force that will attempt to undertake the overthrow, that is to say, a revolutionary movement. But this situation should not disappoint us.

Revolutionaries have never acted by waiting for the masses to rise up spontaneously or get mobilized; rather they made their way by first giving the example of antagonistic action and taking advantage of turmoil at the base of society. There have never been more favorable objective conditions for action, for struggles, for revolution, because of the devaluation and instability of the regime; and there were never were worse subjective conditions, apathy, deadlock, and resignation, due to a lack of perspective and hope.

Our duty is to act in order to change the unfavorable conditions, to inspire hope and strength to revolt and overthrow. This action consists in destabilizing and undermining an already unstable system, the sabotage of the ruling policies for the implementation of memoranda and rescue programs, the sabotage of the policy that aims for investments of multinational capital in the country by privatizations and sell-offs of public property, the sabotage of the ongoing social theft and societal genocide.

The adoption of dynamic forms of action, guerrilla war and armed struggle, is a necessary choice for the sabotage of the ruling policies. Bombings or armed action on a massive scale, against offices, facilities, structures or entities of government and of local and international capital could destabilize even more the regime to deter investment and halt the selling off of public property, in making the country unsafe for investors.

Our struggles, besides the adoption of the guerrilla and armed struggle, connect with other forms of action- such as the violent protests of this July 15, with squats or relief actions of the socially weak and vulnerable, these may have social and popular acceptance and so be footholds on the path to revolutionary overthrow. But the overthrow of the capitalist state can only be guaranteed by the recourse to arms, the armed seizure of enemy strongholds, parliament, ministries, banks, the Bank of Greece and the disarming of the police stations.

At a time when all illusions dissolve, armed social revolution is the only way forward, the only way to save ourselves from societal genocide imposed by the international economic elites and the state…

To avoid counting other deaths from suicides, diseases, shortages of basic goods.
To prevent children fainting from hunger and malnutrition.
To abolish social classes and the state.
To socialize collective wealth.
To live with dignity and to take our life in our hands.

Let us not delude ourselves that all this can be done without having goals or proposals, or by being unable to popularize our proposals and confined to a sterile insurrectionism or having alternative illusions concerning peripheral self-managed “islands of freedom” and ventures that will surround the state and make the market economy disappear.

Let us not delude ourselves that all this can be done without risking our lives for freedom …For as history has shown, the tree of liberty grows only with blood.

NO ELECTORAL ILLUSIONS
ARMED SOCIAL REVOLUTION

N. Maziotis,
Member of Revolutionary Struggle,
Korydallos Prison

Source: http://325.nostate.net/?p=17298

Statement by Nikos Maziotis to the appeals court at the first trial of the Revolutionary Struggle on July 7 – Concerning the bankruptcy of the country (Greece)

As is well known, the repressive attack by the state against Revolutionary Struggle in 2010, as an historical fact, was a counterpart to the signing of the first memorandum by the Papandreou government and bringing the country under the authority of the IMF, the ECB, and the EU. As was said at the time by a government official, our arrests prevented “a large terrorist attack that would have ended the economy,” a statement proving the dangerousness of the action of Revolutionary Struggle at a critical juncture for the regime.

The first trial against the organization was in the period of the application of the first memorandum, developments that included controlled bankruptcy proceedings and imposed a social policy of genocide and euthanasia towards segments of the population that caused thousands of deaths so far, and poverty, hunger and misery. When the first trial started in October 2011, we had stated that the trial was conducted in a period awaiting formal bankruptcy of the country, which did not happen then, because there was unveiled a controlled bankruptcy regime in order to save the lenders, the then holders of Greek bonds and to defend the Eurozone from the risk of transmission of the Greek crisis.

It is an irony of history that ultimately the bankruptcy of Greece is associated with the days of the leftist Syriza government almost four years later, which announced a referendum on the question YES or NO to the proposals of lenders for the new memorandum that they will sign. Along with the bankruptcy of the country comes the bankruptcy of the left social-democratic illusions that promised state interventions in favor of the workers and the poor of the EU inside a globalized neoliberal environment.

In our most recent attack on 10/04/2014 on the Annex to the ECB Supervision Department of the Bank of Greece (which housed the office of the permanent representative of the IMF in Greece), in our responsibility claim, we recognized almost a year in advance what the Syriza government would do. We diagnosed the impossibility of their program and their declarations, and we highlighted the hypocrisy of their representatives. Some of them then were speaking about non-recognition of debt, others a restructuring or debt haircut. Others supported the abolition of the Memorandum, and yet they all ended up leading to its renegotiation.

The majority of Syriza officials proclaim a steady course for Greece inside the EU and the euro area, while the left tendency support the country’s exit from the euro and the adoption of the drachma, but inside the EU. After assuming power, the Syriza followed a predictable course. In total contrast to pre-election declarations, they recognized the totality of the debt and its repayment, recognized memorandum agreements, recognized monitoring and evaluation of the Greek economy by the technical teams of the Troika -the multinational organizations of the IMF, the ECB, and EU– which have been renamed for communication purposes, no longer the Troika, but the institutions.

On February 20, 2015, the government of Syriza confirmed a total retreat with its signing of the bridging agreement for Memorandum No. 2 that the Samaras government had signed in November 2012. Alongside this they conducted negotiations for the agreement of a new memorandum with lenders. But their retractions, contradictions, and vacillations made the Syriza government seem in the eyes of the lenders unreliable for the management of the Greek crisis, which has resulted in economic suffocation and bankruptcy of the country. Lenders knew in advance that time was on their side and that they could force the Syriza government to accept their terms with the weapon of economic strangulation and the threat of bankruptcy.

They know that a Greek default and exit from the eurozone does not negate the country’s obligations to repay the debt, which all Greek governments have signed off on from 2010 onwards.

The government of Syriza came to grief because while they launched a referendum to accept or refuse the proposals of lenders after withdrawing from the negotiations, after the referendum announcement they returned begging for the resumption of negotiations by accepting the majority of the lenders’ proposals. The referendum was a public-relations exercise of the Syriza government to manage their own political bankruptcy, regardless of the outcome of the referendum.

The course taken by the Syriza government proves what we as Revolutionary Struggle claimed in our announcement for the Bank of Greece attack, that, “Syriza, after a long march of political retreats, contradictions and a reversal to ‘political realism’ , indicates the very impossibility of a stable social democratic model in our time, it tends more and more clearly to become a protest party of the neoliberal economic model but with a predetermined total retreat on all issues of crisis management. The acceptance of all the dominant structures, mechanisms and alliances, the acceptance of the EMU, the euro, the EU, the removal of positions for the abolition of the Memorandum and unilateral cancellation of the debt show that the development of a social-liberal party with a social democratic façade becomes –even before they take power, assuming they take power– that they are provided to ensure approval and support for the economic bloc of authority”.

A bit more than a year later, we of Revolutionary Struggle confirm the political bankruptcy of Syriza. The political bankruptcy of Syriza and the expected fall of the government sooner or later proves the impossibility of solving problems highlighted by the capitalist crisis through reforms within the economic market system and bourgeois parliamentarism. This shows what for years Revolutionary Struggle claimed, that “the only realistic solution to the crisis is social revolution”, the action of sections of society and the population for armed confrontation with the regime, for the overthrow of capital and the state in Greece. Social revolution is real rupture. The cause of the crisis is the very existence of capitalism and the market economy, the existence of class and social divisions, the perpetual cycle of capital investment for profit and reinvestment of these profits for even greater profit, a process whose seamless continuation is a sign of capitalist prosperity and whose stopping signals crisis.

As Revolutionary Struggle, in replying to the euro or drachma dilemma, we have argued that the adoption of the drachma in Greece within the framework of the EU and with intact memorandum agreements that prohibit debt default on the part of the debtor, or its conversion from euros to a national currency, not only will not reduce the debt but will rather increase it, and also reduce the purchasing power of salaries of employees, which would mean a deterioration of living standards and increasing poverty.

The issue of currency does not by itself solve any problems. It does not solve the problem of debt, poverty, misery, hunger, death from hardship, illnesses, suicides. No solution is found within the capitalist system. No solution is found in the proposals of parties, no solution results from elections for the bourgeois parliament or from the referendums of authority.

As Revolutionary Struggle, against the continuation of the current policy imposed by the multinational economic elites (i.e. the fascism of the markets), a policy whose exponents are most of the parties including the Syriza government, and unlike the proposal for full nationalization of economic functions and centralized control– a proposal that failed historically– we recommend as a revolutionary solution the collapse of capitalism, the market economy and the state.

It is a more realistic solution, an armed uprising of the people which refuses to pay the debt, which does not recognize loan agreements and memoranda, which does not recognize and accept the euro and structures such as the European Union that have no other purpose than to make them serfs of the markets.

It is a more realistic solution– for an armed uprising of the people that would expropriate the property of the capitalists, the movable and fixed property, the means of production whether from multinationals, banks, or local capitalists, from all those who have purchased state property, business utilities and whatever is left in the hands of the state.

It is a more realistic solution– for the socialized ownership of private and state capital, managed by councils of workers and popular assemblies. The same applies to all sectors of societal production, such as health and education, where the management will be exercised by workers and those who participate with them.

It is a more realistic solution– for the implementation of a social revolution of direct democracy that will immediately eliminate the state and bourgeois parliamentary political professionals responsible for the management of social affairs instead of the people and workers, and in its place will put a confederal system of workers councils and popular assemblies, in which everyone will participate, speak and take decisions together on all social matters affecting them in the workplace, schools, hospitals, universities, neighborhoods, villages or cities.

The choice of our time is not yes or no to the proposals of lenders, it is not between a hard or less hard memorandum, or for the euro or the drachma. The choice is capitalism or revolution.

Nikos Maziotis, member of Revolutionary Struggle
Korydallos prison

Source: http://325.nostate.net/?p=16723