Tag Archives: Revolutionärer Kampf

Grüße von Nikos Maziotis an das jährliche Treffen der Roten Hilfe International

Ich grüße die Genossinnen und Genossen, die am jährlichen Treffen der Roten Hilfe International teilnehmen. An diesem Treffen nehmen zum ersten Mal Genossinnen und Genossen aus Griechenland teil. Es nehmen Mitglieder der Gruppe „Solidarität mit den politischen Gefangenen“ teil, von welchen ich sicher bin, dass sie euch über die Situation der politischen Gefangenen, die Solidarität mit ihnen und über die allgemeine Situation in Griechenland informieren werden. Von meiner Seite aus werde ich euch über die jüngsten Ereignisse, die sich abgespielt haben, informieren.

Am 21. Februar hat die gesuchte Genossin Pola Roupa, auf die ein Kopfgeld ausgesetzt ist, versucht, einen Helikopter zu entführen. Das Ziel war, mich und andere politische Gefangene, die wegen bewaffneten Kampfes inhaftiert sind, aus dem Gefängnis Korydallos (Athen) zu befreien. Leider ist der Versuch misslungen, aufgrund des Widerstands des Helikopter-Piloten, der ein ehemaliger Polizist ist und bewaffnet war. Zum Glück ist die Genossin unverletzt entkommen. Auf Grund dieses Versuchs sind die Sicherheitsmaßnahmen in dem Gefängnisflügel, in dem wir uns befinden, erhöht worden. Die Genossin, ich und die anderen politischen Gefangenen haben mit öffentlichen Schreiben die Verantwortung für den Befreiungsversuch übernommen. Wenige Tage danach, am 3. März, wurde der zweite Prozess gegen den Revolutionären Kampf beendet, in welchem ich wegen dem Angriff der Organisation auf die Nationalbank von Griechenland zu einer lebenslangen Haftstrafe verurteilt wurde. Zusätzliche 129 Jahre Haft gab es wegen Schüsse auf 5 Polizisten und der Verletzung eines Polizisten, als ich verhaftet wurde, sowie wegen zweier Banküberfällen. Es ist das erste Mal, dass in Griechenland wegen eines Bombenangriffs, vor dem gewarnt wurde und bei dem es keine Tote und Verletzte gab, eine lebenslange Haftstrafe verhängt wurde. Dies zeigt die Verschärfung des Vorgehens des Regimes in Griechenland im Umgang mit bewaffneten revolutionären Aktionen und gegenüber denjenigen, die – wie ich – konsequent und reuelos bezüglich des bewaffneten Kampfs bleiben.

Die politische, ökonomische und soziale Situation in Griechenland ist sehr kompliziert. Auf der einen Seite erschweren sich durch die Durchsetzung der “Rettungsprogramme” (des so genannten Memorandums) die Bedingungen für große Teile der Bevölkerung zunehmend, während die internationale ökonomische Krise sich weiter fortsetzt und in Europa vertieft. Und auf der anderen Seite gibt es die große Welle der Flüchtlinge von Kriegsgebieten des Mittleren Ostens, vor allem aus Syrien. All das stellt ein hochexplosives Klima her, nicht nur in Griechenland, wo während der Schließung der Grenzen auf dem Balkan und der Revision des Schengener Abkommens von einigen Ländern der EU Tausende von Flüchtlingen und Migranten im Land gefangen wurden. Sondern auch in Europa, wo die Fundamente der Europäischen Union irreparabel gebrochen wurden. Diese Bedingungen sind noch weiter belastet durch die Attacken der islamistischen Kämpfer 2015 in Paris, Frankreich und vor einigen Tagen in Brüssel. Diese explosive Kombination der globalen ökonomischen Krise zusammen mit den gepolitischen Faktoren im Mittleren Osten, die ein Resultat des “Kriegs gegen den Terror” und der Politik des Westens sind, den Kriegen in Syrien, Irak, Afghanistan, die die Flüchtlingswelle nach Europa ausgelöst haben, erschüttert die Fundamente der EU und könnte die EU, so wie wir sie kennen, beenden. Das Ergebnis dessen ist einerseits die
Einführung von zunehmend autoritären und totalitären Maßnahmen in Ländern der EU, wie in Frankreich nach den Angriffen der islamistischen Kämpfer, im Namen der Sicherheit findet der Aufstieg eines Polizeistaats statt. Auf der anderen Seite der Aufstieg der Rechten, die die Rückkehr zu schlagkräftigen Nationalstaaten verfolgen, die für die Schließung der Grenzen und die Abschiebung von Fremden und Flüchtlingen sind, die ein Regime des nationales Kapitalismus zurückbringen möchten. Das schlimmste ist, dass nach den Angriffen sich ein Konsens in Teilen der europäischen Gesellschaft breit gemacht hat, die aus Angst und Unsicherheit hinter ihren Regierungen stehen, die auf die Ankunft von Flüchtlingen reagieren. Sie erleichtern damit die Einführung von autoritären Maßnahmen, die die europäischen Regierungen durchführen möchten, um auf die Flüchtlingswellen reagieren zu können. Leider hat sich die Bevölkerung in Europa in den letzten Jahren nicht drastisch dagegen gewehrt, als ihre Regierungen die Zustimmung gaben und mit dem “Krieg gegen den Terror” kollaborierten, der 2001 von den USA losgetreten wurde, als sie zu den Kriegen in Afghanistan und im Irak zustimmten und als ihre Regierungen Truppen zur Unterstützung der Amerikaner bei der Besetzung dieser Länder schickten. Genau aus diesem Grund leiden sie jetzt in doppelter Hinsicht an den Konsequenzen der “Kriegs gegen den Terror”. In der
Hinsicht, dass es bei den Vergeltungsattacken der islamistischen Kämpfer zivile Opfer gab und dass die Regierungen zunehmend autoritäre und totalitäre Maßnahmen im Namen dieses Kriegs und der Sicherheit einführen. Der weltoffene Charakter der EU liegt bereits in Trümmern
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Ich glaube, dass nur durch das Anwachsen der revolutionären Momente in den westlichen Ländern, die Momente, die sich bemühen, den Kapitalismus und den Staat zu zerstören und eine internationale europäische Gemeinschaft hervorzubringen, dass nur durch diese ein Ende dieses Kriegs, des Rassismus, der Xenophobie, der Ausbeutung und Repression und all der Flüche des Kapitalismus und der Autorität erreicht werden kann. Nur eine internationale soziale Revolution mit antikapitalistischen und anti-staatlichen Charakteristiken in Europa und darüber hinaus kann die Antwort auf die aktuelle Situation, auf die globale ökonomische Krise, die sich mehr und mehr vertieft, und auf den Krieg gegen den “Terror” sein. Leider, Genossinnen und Genossen, sind wir weit von diesem Ziel entfernt. Nichtsdestotrotz müssen wir weiter in diese Richtung kämpfen.

Nikos Maziotis
Mitglied des Revolutionären Kampf

Greeting of Nikos Maziotis at the yearly meeting of Red International Help

I salute the comrades who participate in the yearly meeting of International Red Help. Comrades from Greece participate for the first time in this meeting, members of the solidarity assembly for political prisoners in Greece who surely will inform you about the situation in Greece with regards to political prisoners, solidarity and generally the political situation in Greece. From my side I will inform you about some recent events that took place here. On February 21st the wanted comrade, Pola Roupa, on whom a bounty has been set, attempted to hijack a helicopter in order to break myself, as well as other political prisoners condemned for armed struggle, out of the prison of Korydallos. Unfortunately, the hijack failed due to the reaction of the pilot, who turned out to be an ex-policeman and was armed. Fortunately, the comrade got away safe and unhurt. Following this, security measures in the wing where we are held have increased. The comrade Pola Roupa and I as well as the other political prisoners have assumed the political responsibility for this attempt with public statements. A few days later on the 3rd of March, the 2nd trial of Revolutionary Struggle was completed, in which I was sentenced to life imprisonment for the attack of the organization against the Bank of Greece, plus 129 years for the shooting against 5 cops and the injury of one of them at the incident when I was arrested and for the expropriation of two banks. This is the first time where a sentence of life imprisonment is passed in Greece for a bomb attack in which a warning was given and where there were neither dead nor injured. This demonstrates the increasing severity of the regime in Greece concerning the treatment of armed revolutionary action and of those who like me remain consistent and impenitent as regards the choice of armed struggle.
The political, economic and social situation in Greece is very difficult. On the one hand, the continuing implementation of rescue programs (the so called memorandum) that Greek governments implement make conditions evermore difficult for large parts of the population, while the international economic crisis continues and deepens in Europe, and on the other hand, the huge wave of refugees from the war zones of Middle East, mainly Syria. All this creates a highly explosive climate not only in Greece, where due to the closing of the Balkan borders and also the amendment of the Schengen treaty by some countries of the EU thousands of refugees and migrants have become trapped in the country, but also in Europe where the foundations of the European Union have been ruptured irreparably. These conditions are burdened even further by the attacks of Islamic militants in 2015 in Paris, France and in Brussels a few days ago. This explosive combination of global economic crisis along with the geopolitical issues in the Middle East, which are a result of the war against “terrorism” and of the politics of the West, the wars in Syria, Iraq, Afghanistan that caused the refugee wave to Europe, shakes the foundations of the E.U. and may bring about its end as we know it. The result of this is, on the one hand, the adoption by countries of the EU of increasingly authoritarian and totalitarian measures, as in France after the attacks of Islamic militants, the rise of a police state in the name of security and, on the other hand, the rise of the far right who pursue the return to a regime of a powerful nation – state, who press for the closure of the borders and the deportation of foreigners and refugees, who want to bring back a regime of national capitalism. Worst of all is that following the attacks, a consensus has emerged by parts of European society, who rally behind their governments out of fear and insecurity, reacting to the arrival of refugees, thereby facilitating the implementation of the authoritarian measures European governments are taking to deal with the wave of refugees. Unfortunately, the people of Europe, in all the previous years, did not drastically resist when their governments gave their consent and collaborated with the war against “terrorism” that was unleashed by the USA after 2001, when they consented to the wars in Afghanistan and Iraq and when their governments sent troops to assist Americans in the occupation of these countries. It is precisely for this reason that they doubly suffer the consequences of the war against “terrorism”, such as that there are citizen victims of the reprisal attacks of Islamic militants and that governments take increasingly authoritarian and totalitarian measures in the name of this war and of security. The cosmopolitan character of the EU is already in ruins.
I believe that it is only through the growth, inside western countries, of revolutionary movements that will strive to destroy capitalism and the state and to create an International European Commune, that there can be an end to this war, to racism, xenophobia, exploitation and repression and to all the banes of capitalism and authority. Only an international social revolution with anti-capitalist and anti-statist characteristics in Europe and beyond can be the answer to the current situation, to the global economic crisis that deepens more and more and to the war against “terrorism”. Unfortunately comrades we are far from this goal. Nevertheless we must continue fighting in this direction.

Nikos Maziotis member of Revolutionary Struggle

Greece: Revolutionary Struggle member Nikos Maziotis on the escape attempt and life sentence

Text of Nikos Maziotis about the operation of escape from Koridallos prison and the sentence of life imprisonment handed down in the 2nd Revolutionary Struggle trial

The attempt to escape from Koridallos prison by helicopter on February 21st 2016 – an operation carried out by comrade Pola Roupa, member of Revolutionary Struggle – was a revolutionary act, a guerrilla action for the liberation of political prisoners. It was a means of continuation of Revolutionary Struggle’s activity, a response to the State’s repressive operations against our organisation and other political prisoners, comrades who are in prison for armed activity as well. It was therefore an exemplary solidarity act of great and unique importance. The prison escape operation was a step towards continuing armed revolutionary activity; promoting the struggle for the overthrow of the State and Capital; overturning the establishment’s policy of bailout programs imposed by the troika of the country’s supranational bosses, the EC, ECB and IMF, to which the ESM has been added with the enactment and implementation of the third memorandum program by the SYRIZA-led government. Armed struggle in the present circumstances is more timely and necessary than ever. The failure of this operation won’t bend us. We will struggle as long as we live and breathe.

Revolutionary Struggle has proven that it has remained standing over the years, despite successive repressive blows and sacrifices: the blood of comrade Lambros Foundas, who was killed on March 10th 2010 in a shootout with police in the district of Dafni, Athens, during a preparatory action of the organisation; our arrests a month later, April 10th 2010, on the eve of Greece’s signing of the first memorandum; my arrest on July 16th 2014 in Monastiraki, Athens, where I was injured following a chase and shootout with police. Revolutionary Struggle remained standing because we undertook political responsibility for our participation in the organisation – in Greece, we were the first armed revolutionary and anarchist organisation to do so – and because we defended our history, the organisation’s actions and our comrade Lambros Foundas, who gave his life so that the memorandum wouldn’t pass; to turn the crisis into an opportunity for social revolution. We remained standing as an organisation because we didn’t mind paying the cost and price, because we didn’t turn ourselves into betrayers or deserters, because none of us tried to save one’s own skin at the moment of repression. It’s precisely because we claimed political responsibility that we stayed alive as an organisation in prison in 2010–11. We gave a political battle against the enemy in the 1st special court. Once released from prison after 18 months in pretrial detention, we chose not to surrender ourselves to imminent imprisonment and went underground instead, to continue armed struggle and the organisation’s activity.

The attack of Revolutionary Struggle – Commando Lambros Foundas on April 10th 2014 against the Bank of Greece, a branch of the ECB – one of the most popularly-hated organisations that make up the quartet of supranational bosses – but also a building that housed the office of the IMF’s permanent representative in Greece, annulled the 2010 repressive operation, and continued the organisation’s strategy that was launched in 2009 with the attacks on Citibank’s headquarters and one of its branches, a Eurobank’s branch and the Athens Stock Exchange. For years Revolutionary Struggle is faced with the spearhead of state repression, since the issue of dealing with the organisation and generally armed revolutionary activity is a major priority for the survival of the establishment, seeking to eliminate the internal enemy for the smooth enforcement and implementation of bailout programs, which constitute policies of social genocide and cleansing of parts of the population.

In 2007, the U.S. Department of State and the Greek State placed bounties of 1 million dollars and 800 thousand euros, respectively, after the organisation’s attack with an anti-tank RPG at the U.S. Embassy in Athens. In 2010, the Papandreou government celebrated our arrests, and a government official stated that they prevented a blow that would end the economy, on the eve of the signing of the first memorandum and amid fear of Greek economy’s collapse. In 2014, after we had gone into clandestinity and had been sentenced to 50 years imprisonment by the 1st special court, the Samaras government placed a bounty of 2 million euros on our heads – one million on comrade Roupa and another million on me. My arrest, three months after Revolutionary Struggle’s attack against the Bank of Greece, was celebrated by Greek authorities. U.S. officials congratulated them on my recapture and made statements on political stability. Special measures were implemented after my arrest and, in December 2014, I was transferred to the newly-inaugurated type C maximum security prison, this being the first such transfer of a political prisoner, already preannounced since my recapture. In April 2015, I was included in the list of “international terrorists” designated by State Department, even though I was in prison. The authorities have now unleashed a manhunt to arrest comrade Roupa. All this demonstrates that combating Revolutionary Struggle holds great significance for the establishment. That is, repression against Revolutionary Struggle and implementation of memoranda, together with the establishment’s political stability, go hand in hand.

Last link in the chain of the establishment’s repression against Revolutionary Struggle is the decision of the 2nd trial against the organisation, a few days after the prison escape attempt. I was sentenced to life imprisonment for the bombing attack against the Bank of Greece, plus 129 years for two expropriations of bank branches and shooting of cops who persecuted me in Monastiraki. The imposition of the severest possible sentence for the organisation’s attack against the country’s bosses is a conscious political decision and not just a procedural exaggeration. As I have already stated, this decision aims not to terrorise me – because they know I am and will remain unrepentant – but those who’ll want to opt for armed struggle, comrades of the anarchist/antiauthoritarian milieu and other fighters within society. This political decision – applied for the first time in Greece in regard to a bombing attack which took place following a phone call warning, causing no injuries, but only material damages – is aimed at multiple recipients and sends out an intimidation message, that fighters who’ll opt for armed revolutionary activity will be treated with the utmost severity.

This decision demonstrates the establishment’s increasingly harshening stance against their number one enemy – Revolutionary Struggle, armed fighters. It’s not difficult to understand why, at a time when the SYRIZA-led government has voted the third memorandum, which is harsher than the previous ones. The big difference between penal treatment in the 1st and the 2nd Revolutionary Struggle trials may give rise to misinterpretations; I would therefore like to point out the following: Since the enactment of anti-terrorism laws in 2001 and 2004, this special legislation constitutes a political choice of Power in order to deal as effectively as possible with urban guerrilla in Greece as a major threat to the establishment. A provision in the anti-terrorism legislation allows life sentence, not for homicide, but for explosion as a result of which there was danger to humans or an injury occurred. I was sentenced to life in prison under this provision. Special court decisions in trials against armed fighters are eminently political decisions; the elements in the accusatory dossier are often of secondary importance. For example, as demonstrated during court hearings of the 2nd trial against Revolutionary Struggle in regard to the organisation’s attack against the Bank of Greece, even though there was a phone call giving 50 minutes warning before the explosion, the security officers remained inside the building on the instructions of the Bank of Greece’s security supervisor. The security supervisor himself admitted there’s a standard regulation which obliges the security staff to stay inside the building despite the threat of explosion. The same happened at Piraeus Bank’s headquarters located opposite the Bank of Greece, where security officers remained inside the building on the instructions of the bank’s head of security. As demonstrated in the 1st trial against the organisation, the same also happened on September 2nd 2009 in Revolutionary Struggle’s attack against the Athens Stock Exchange building, where security staff stayed inside as ordered by the head of security.

It’s thus demonstrated that those who are responsible for causing danger to humans are the executives of the economic Power and establishment’s mechanisms and central structures, such as banks and the stock exchange, who consider people and entire populations to be expendable, and even the security officers of their facilities. Because, for them, their profits override everything; their profits, which are dipped in blood and misery, override human life itself. These are the mechanisms that the Greek people consider responsible for the policy implemented over the last six years, which has resulted in thousands of deaths and millions of poor, destitute and hungry people. These are the mechanisms whose executives (bankers, major shareholders, big businesspeople) alongside their subordinates (politicians of Greek governments) the Greek people consider responsible for the devaluation of life of millions of people, for suicides and pauperisation; not the fighters of Revolutionary Struggle. Revolutionary Struggle’s attacks against such mechanisms and structures are to a great extent popularly and socially accepted.

In both the 1st and 2nd trial against the organisation, I have been consistent in facing the enemy at special courts. This entails the undertaking of political responsibility, the political defense of Revolutionary Struggle’s activity, armed struggle and Revolution for the overthrow of the State and Capital, without counting the cost and the price. This is the duty of every fighter, every anarchist, every revolutionary who is faced with judges and organs of the enemy. The sentence to 50 years imprisonment in the 1st trial was based on the undertaking of political responsibility. This is why we were convicted as accomplices in the organisation’s 16 actions by the theorem of collective responsibility, rather than being convicted as actual perpetrators. The State’s response to the fact I remain consistent in my trajectory as a fighter and continue to defend Revolutionary Struggle, and by extension armed struggle and the prospect of Revolution and the establishment’s overthrow, was the outcome of the 2nd trial, where I was sentenced to life imprisonment for one action, the bombing attack against the Bank of Greece. My entire trajectory after the initial arrests in 2010, the fact that Revolutionary Struggle stayed alive during the pretrial detention in 2010–11, the fact that comrade Roupa and I defended the organisation’s activity at the 1st special court, our choice to not surrender ourselves to prison, to go into clandestinity and continue armed struggle and the organisation’s activity with the attack against the Bank of Greece, this entire trajectory and all these choices are based on the undertaking of political responsibility for our participation in Revolutionary Struggle after being captured in 2010. This is what the State attempted to crash by means of the decision of the 2nd trial against the organisation.

My sentence of life in prison was a message to the fighters who assume political responsibility and do not repudiate their activity and membership in their organisation.

Things are becoming increasingly clearer for the fighters who want to resist and the political prisoners. The dilemma “repudiation or life imprisonment” (in the old days there was execution by firing squad) comes into effect; a dilemma put by Power, a dilemma that in the old days was “repudiation or death”.

Over time, in order to suppress any revolutionary perspective, the State doesn’t confine itself to military predominance over its rivals only, but it also attempts their political defeat by forcing them into political repudiation. In the case of the Western-European urban guerrilla in the 70s and 80s, especially in Italy, the target of political repudiation was not one’s convictions or political identity, but rather armed struggle as being one of the means of struggle and urban guerrilla organisations. In Greece, the dilemma put by Power was once this: either repudiation of communism, or imprisonment and, in other circumstances, execution by firing squad. Nowadays, more indirectly, the dilemma is this: either choice of armed revolutionary struggle with heavy costs and consequences, or renunciation of armed revolutionary struggle as being one of the means of struggle. Either undertaking of political responsibility for one’s participation in an armed organisation and defense of its activity, or acceptance of the State’s pursuit of repudiation of an armed organisation and one’s membership in it, and by extension of armed struggle, in the face of fear of going to prison.

In other, more difficult periods like the Occupation and the Civil War, the price to pay for the struggle was the firing squad; and not only for armed struggle. Many fighters faced with the dilemma “repudiation or death” preferred the firing squad; of course not because they wanted to become martyrs, but because they believed that repudiation is a shame and disgrace; as such, it was considered worse than death. There were armed militants and guerrillas of ELAS (Greek People’s Liberation Army) and DSE (Democratic Army of Greece), but also fighters that didn’t wage armed struggle, who remained unrepentant and were sent by thousands to the firing squad during the Occupation and the Civil War; they were executed in Goudi, in Kessariani shooting range, in Chaidari and Pavlou Mela camps, on Makronissos and Corfu, in Yedi Kule. Similarly in Spain, after Franco’s victory, thousands of armed anarchists who fought for Revolution in 1936–39, and waged guerrilla warfare until 1975, were sent to firing squads in Campo de la Bota, Montjuïc, Carabanchel, or strangled by the method of garrote – used as a means of execution for heretics since the Inquisition.

The struggle for the overthrow of the State and Capital is an activity that requires unwavering convictions, responsibility, consistency, commitment, political engagement, steely will, and political and theoretical knowledge of principles and experiences of the historical revolutionary tradition. How can we even talk about struggle, social liberation, revolution, Anarchy, asking others to participate in a subversive struggle with all the costs and consequences that it entails, if we ourselves are unable to assume responsibility for our political choices?

For the first time in decades – since the era of the post-Civil War State, when ELAS guerrillas who were excluded by the 1945 Treaty of Varkiza, which didn’t recognise their activity as being political, as well as those of DSE remained in prison for at least 15 years – there is a prospect that political prisoners sentenced to 25 years or life imprisonment for armed revolutionary action will remain many years in the prisons of the contemporary Greek State-marionette of the supranational economic elite. We’re going through a period where Power is even indirectly trying to pose dilemmas for educing credentials once again, as in the past, to break us with the spectre of long-term incarceration.

The struggle for Social Revolution, for overthrowing the State and Capital, must go on despite the difficulties, the cost and consequences. We will never surrender the weapons of our struggle.

NO PEACE, NO TRUCE WITH THE STATE AND CAPITAL
ARMED STRUGGLE FOR SOCIAL REVOLUTION
HONOUR FOREVER TO COMRADE LAMBROS FOUNDAS,
MEMBER OF REVOLUTIONARY STRUGGLE

Nikos Maziotis, member of Revolutionary Struggle

http://325.nostate.net/?p=19401

Greece: Open letter of Pola Roupa about the attempt to break Nikos Maziotis out of Koridallos prison

Under other circumstances, this text would be written by Revolutionary Struggle. However, the outcome of the attempt to break out the comrade Nikos Maziotis of Koridallos prison obliges me to speak personally.

On February 21st [2016], I attempted to break out Revolutionary Struggle member Nikos Maziotis by helicopter. The operation was planned so that other political prisoners could join us, who wished to make their way to freedom. Details of the plan, how I managed to evade the security measures and board the helicopter armed, have no special significance and I will not refer to them; despite the fact that there has been a lot of misinformation. Just for the sake of clarity, I will only mention that the plan was not based on any previous helicopter prison escape, it is not associated with any findings of plans not yet implemented, and I do not have any relation to another fugitive person despite media portrayals to the contrary. Also, this attempt was not preceded by any escape plan that “was wrecked”, as reported by some media.

A quarter of the journey after our takeoff from Thermisia in Argolida, I took out my gun and I asked the pilot to change course. Of course, he did not understand who I am, but he realised it was an attempted prison break. He panicked. He attacked me pulling out a gun – a fact he “omitted”. Also because they will likely try to refute the fact he was armed, I remind everyone that there are publicly available reports about the discovery of two mags in the helicopter. One was mine, but the second wasn’t mine. The second mag was from his own gun, which he dropped from his hands during our scuffle during flight. And as for me, of course I had a second mag. Would I go to such an operation with only one mag?

He lost control of the helicopter and shouted in panic “we will get killed”. The description that was presented of a helicopter substantially unmanageable is true. But these images did not result from my actions, but his. The helicopter was losing altitude and swirled in the air. We flew a few meters over electricity wires. I screamed to him to pull up the helicopter, to do what I tell him so no one will get hurt.

Within no time at all, we were on the ground. Those who speak of a dispassionate reaction of the pilot, apparently judging from the result, don’t know what they are talking about.

Instead of doing what I told him to do, he preferred to risk crashing with me in a collision of the helicopter, which didn’t happen by chance. It goes without saying that upon entering the helicopter and trying to gain control of it, to direct it to the prisons, I had made my decision. If he refused to do what I told him, I would naturally react. Those who claim I was responsible for the uncontrolled descent of the helicopter, from 5,000 feet to the ground, what did they expect? That I would have said “if you don’t want to come to the prisons, never mind”? I fired my gun and we engaged – both armed – in a scuffle during flight.

He preferred to risk crashing with me on the mountain than to obey. When we finally landed on the ground with speed, even though I knew the operation was lost, I had every opportunity to execute him. I consciously decided not to do so. Although I knew that with this decision I was endangering my life or freedom, I did not execute him even though I had the chance. He himself knows this very well. The only factor that held me back was my political conscience. And I took this decision, risking my own life and possibility to get away.

Regarding the prison escape operation itself, it’s obvious that all possible safety measures were taken in order to safeguard the undertaking against the armed guards patrolling the prison perimeter, and I even carried a bulletproof vest for the pilot as well. In this case, the purpose was to make the prison break happen in a way that would ensure the lowest possible risk for the helicopter, the comrades and, of course, the pilot. I acted with the same thought when we landed on the ground; despite the fact that the operation failed because of the pilot; despite the fact that he was armed. I essentially put his life over my own life and safety. But I am to reconsider this specific choice.

Organising to break out Nikos Maziotis was a political decision, as much as it was a political decision to liberate other political prisoners as well. It was not a personal choice. If I wanted to only liberate my comrade Nikos Maziotis, I wouldn’t have chartered a large helicopter – a fact that made the operation’s organising more complex. The aim of the operation was the liberation of other political prisoners as well; those who actually wanted, together with us, to make their way to freedom.

This action, therefore, despite its personal dimensions that are known, was not a personal choice but a political one. It was a step in the path to Revolution. The same goes for every action I have carried out and for every action I will make in the future. These are links in a chain of revolutionary planning aimed to create more favourable political and social conditions, for broadening and strengthening revolutionary struggle. Below I will refer to the political basis of this choice; but first I have to talk about facts, and the way I have operated until now in regard to some of these facts.

As I previously mentioned, every action I carry out concerns an act related to political planning. In the same context, I expropriated a branch of Piraeus Bank on the premises of Sotiria Hospital in Athens last June [2015]. With this money, in addition to my survival in “clandestinity”, I secured the organising of my action and financing of the operation for the liberation of Nikos Maziotis and other political prisoners from Koridallos women’s prisons. The reason I refer to this expropriation (I couldn’t care less about the penal consequences of this admittance) is because, at this time, I consider it absolutely necessary to disclose how I operate in regard to the safety of civilians, who in certain circumstances happen to be present in revolutionary actions I am involved in, and my perspective about this issue on the occasion – always mutatis mutandis – of the prison escape attempt.

In the case of the expropriation of Piraeus Bank branch, what I mentioned to the bank clerks when we walked into the bank was that they should not press the alarm button, because this would endanger their own safety, since I wasn’t willing to leave the bank without the money. I did not threaten them, nor would they ever be in danger because of me. They would only be in danger because of the police, if cops arrived at the spot and we subsequently had an armed clash. And the police would only arrive if any clerks pressed the bank alarm. This was a development which they themselves wanted to avoid. Because people who happen to be present in every such action are not afraid of those trying to expropriate, but instead the police intervening. Besides, it’s really stupid for anyone to attempt to defend money belonging to bankers. And for the record, when a female clerk told me “we ourselves are also poor people,” I suggested to her that we step over to a “blind” spot, where cameras can’t see us, to let her have 5,000 euros, which she did not accept, apparently out of fear. If she had accepted the money, she can be sure I would not speak publicly about it. And one detail: what I was holding was a medical apron to conceal my gun while waiting outside the bank; it was not a towel(!), as mentioned several times.

In every period of time, in the struggle for Revolution – as is also the case in all wars – at times the revolutionaries are obliged to seek the assistance of civilians in their fight. The historical examples are too many – an attempt to document them would fill an entire book, and this isn’t the time to expand on the matter – both in Greece and in armed movements and organisations in other countries. In such cases, however, we essentially ask them to take sides in a war. Once someone refuses to assist, their stance is not just about the particular practice, but an overall hostile stance against the struggle. They endanger or cancel undertakings, they put the lives of fighters in danger, they throw obstacles in the way of a revolutionary process. They take a position against a social and class war.

Neither at Piraeus Bank branch nor during the attempted helicopter escape did I make my identity known. Therefore, no one involved in these cases knew that those were political actions. But after the failed escape attempt, and given that – as I already mentioned – I had the opportunity to kill the pilot but I didn’t, risking my own life, I have to make the following public: from now on, whenever I need the assistance of civilians again, and if I deem it necessary, I will make my identity known from the outset. Since my mission in any case concerns the promotion of the struggle for overthrowing the criminal establishment, let everyone know that any possible refusal of cooperating and effort of obstructing the action will be treated accordingly.

I am, of course, aware of the personal details of the pilot, but I did not threaten his family. I would never threaten families and children.

This is my balance sheet after the escape attempt, one I must make public.

THE PRISON ESCAPE OPERATION WAS A REVOLUTIONARY CHOICE

[…]

I ATTEMPTED THE PRISON ESCAPE FOR SOCIAL REVOLUTION
ALL MY LIFE I STRUGGLE FOR SOCIAL REVOLUTION
I WILL CONTINUE TO STRUGGLE FOR SOCIAL REVOLUTION

Pola Roupa
member of Revolutionary Struggle

https://en-contrainfo.espiv.net/2016/03/13/greece-open-letter-of-pola-roupa-about-the-attempt-to-break-nikos-maziotis-out-of-koridallos-prison/

Greece: Prison sentences in the 2nd trial against Revolutionary Struggle

On March 3rd 2016, the Koridallos prison court sentenced all co-accused in the second trial against Revolutionary Struggle with regard to the attack with a car bomb containing 75kg of explosives against the Bank of Greece’s Supervision Directorate in central Athens on April 10th 2014; the shootout in Monastiraki on July 16th 2014 (when comrade Nikos Maziotis was injured and recaptured by police); and expropriations of bank branches.

Revolutionary Struggle member Nikos Maziotis was sentenced to life in prison plus 129 years and a fine of 20,000 euros.

Revolutionary Struggle (fugitive) member Pola Roupa was sentenced to 11 years in prison on misdemeanor charges (if arrested, she will stand trial on felony charges, too).

Antonis Stamboulos was sentenced to 13 years in prison.

Giorgos Petrakakos was sentenced to 36 years in prison plus a fine of 9,000 euros.

https://en-contrainfo.espiv.net/2016/03/03/athens-prison-sentences-in-the-2nd-trial-against-revolutionary-struggle/

Greece: Police allege helicopter escape attempt by revolutionary comrades held hostage in Korydallos Prison, implicate comrade in clandestinity Pola Roupa of Revolutionary Struggle

Over the last days an anti-terrorist media spectacle is unfolding in Greece. Police released a statement about an incident of attempted helicopter hijack on 21 February; a woman using a fake ID card and apparently with the description of Pola Roupa, clandestine member of R.O. – Revolutionary Struggle attempted to hijack a helicopter departing from Thebes with a pistol. The woman had booked a flight to pick up 5 people at a pre-arranged route, but caused the pilot at gunpoint to change direction towards Attica. At one point, the pilot fought back, being an ex-policeman, who claimed to have recognised Roupa through media photographs. He tried to take the pistol, leading to a struggle which ended in the helicopter being brought down with two bullet holes in the windshield and one in the instrument panel. The woman then escaped and so far has not been captured. Police recovered a pistol mag, headphones and a wig which were sent for forensic analysis. The police believe that this was an attempt to spring imprisoned member of Revolutionary Struggle, Nikos Maziotis, from Korydallos Prison, and they also speak as well of anarchist comrade Antonis Stamboulos, bank robber Giorgos Petrakakos and “at least 2 to 3 members” of R.O. – Conspiracy of Cells of Fire who are suspected of participating. The police now attempt to reconstruct the “synchronisation” of the imprisoned comrades and locate the woman who made the defeated hijacking operation.

Maziotis is held in the isolation dungeon which is the basement of the Woman’s Section of Korydallos, where members of R.O. – November 17 and R.O. – Conspiracy of Cells of Fire are also held. Searches by the security forces took place in all parts of the isolation basement yesterday night revealing absolutely nothing.

http://325.nostate.net/?p=18994

Greece: Statement by anarchist comrade Antonis Stamboulos that was read out at the beginning of the 2nd trial of the Revolutionary Struggle

Statement by comrade Antonis Staboulos that was read out at the beginning of the 2nd trial of the Revolutionary Struggle.

As an anarchist hostage, based on my ethical values and the just I represent, I am obliged to not legitimize this trial and the system it serves. I deny the charges attributed to me, not only because they are a product of a penal system which I do not accept, but also because they have nothing to do with reality, something obvious even if we only compare the desperate attempt of the mechanisms to charge me on one hand, and the complete lack of any proof in order to establish these charges on the other.

On October 1st 2014, when they arrested me, the then political leadership did everything they could to present this incident as a grand job. They pulled all the strings they could to prove what the indictment includes and that much more was said through the journalists. Fortunately I was in the hands of the torturers in GADA (Athens police headquarters) and I did not have a tv to suffer the sewage of the mass media. The entire terrorist service strived to prove the great success the faltering government wanted in order to sell this job to the meager minority of the population that voted for it, so they can win a bit more governmental time. The attempts were in vain, as proven with the future  of the government as well the foundations of the indictment. After my arrest the police did not leave a stone unturned in any space me or my relatives had passed through, they even searched a neighbour’s house. They removed dozens of objects, books, computers, mobile phones, keys, they looked for DNA, prints, lifted the telephone records etc etc. what was the proof that came out of all searching and interrogations? A key I had on me when I was arrested and an empty house, irrelevant to the case. And with this the prosecutor proposes my conviction for acts which are not connected except for in the rich imagination and the reason the DAEEB (Directorate of Special Crimes of Violence – the official name of the antiterrorist force) exists. The conceptual leaps they reached in order for me to be here for a year now detained with charges of integration into an organization, attack, use of explosives,  theft etc, highlight the rage of the oppression mechanisms, their need to close cases having successes that translate into medals, and the ease law 187A gives to create guilty people.

Independently of my position concerning the indictment, and because this trial is a political trial, I would like to say that no civil court can judge revolutionary acts. The only thing it can do is impose sentences always based on the specific class interests it serves. These kinds of trials are moments of social war where the laws of the powerful attempt to impose on the just of those bellow. Just like your laws assert the monopoly of violence in the streets, thus in these rooms as well, your laws claim their uniqueness as an undisputed truth. As representatives of the judicial system you apply a methodical continuous and by profession violence on individuals and social groups that voluntarily or involuntarily function as an obstacle or competitively towards the legal validity – in the absolute terrorist violence of the criminal organization called the state, with the unlimited arsenals, the bombs intended for mass murdering, the professional medaled murderers and the police-judicial complex that aims at the preservation of daily capitalist life and the reproduction of the terms of its perpetuation, i.e. crime.

The reciprocation of your role imposes above all the production of guilty people. The principle “innocent until proven guilty” is now reversed: the accused is considered guilty from the start, and is called to prove their innocence. More and more people are locked up in prisons, as proof of the effectiveness of the operation of the penal system, with the greatest criminals free to define, control and use the murderous capitalist system as law or above the law. This is the frame in which you perform your job, serving the smoothness of a monstrosity.

The special character of this court, just like the special laws with which it tries, on one hand claim the necessity of control by above, because it turns against forms of illegality threatening towards the regime (not necessarily revolutionary but powerful when it comes to disputing the state monopoly of violence). On the other, the marginalization of anarchist speech is attempted, this is why these trials take place in closed spaces, without a jury, in order to conceal the fact that these persecutions are clearly political.

Closing I would like to say that in my case the indictment is based on a double arbitrariness. The first is the assumption that I am a member of the R.S., something that does not arise from anywhere, and the second is the charge on the acts attributed to the organization, again with no proof of course. The second part is now the epitome of arbitrariness not only when I comes to me but also if it concerned a member of the organization. The court has absolutely no jurisdiction to judge me as a political entity. Simultaneously, as a person I am struggling to be here in this room since even the aesthetic of bureaucracy causes me disgust, let alone the whole procedure. Therefore, my desire is to intervene as little as possible. When the time comes for my testimony I will make a full statement about everything.

Antonis Staboulos
=============
Translated by Act for freedom now!/boubourAs
Source
https://athens.indymedia.org/post/1550231/

http://machorka.espivblogs.net/2015/10/27/greece-statement-by-anarchist-comrade-antonis-staboulos-that-was-read-out-at-the-beginning-of-the-2nd-trial-of-the-revolutionary-struggle/

Griechenland: Erster Teil der Prozesserklärung von Nikos Maziotis

In Griechenland hat der Prozess gegen den Revolutionären Kampf begonnen. Im Folgenden dokumentieren wir den ersten Teil der Prozesserklärung von Nikos Maziotis:

Übernahme der Verantwortung durch “Revolutionärer Kampf”

Am 10. April 2010 verübte “Revolutionärer Kampf” einen Bombenanschlag gegen die Verwaltungsaufsicht der Bank von Griechenland in Athen in der Amerikis Strasse, wo sich der ständige Vertreter des IME in Griechenland Wes McGrew aufhält.

Obwohl der Anschlag gegen die Bank von Griechenland gerichtet war, wurde auch in der gegenüberliegenden Zentralstelle der Piraeus Bank Schaden verursacht, eine Tatsache, die den Anschlag viel erfolgreicher macht, weil sich die Piraeus Bank mit dem Lösegeld der Agricultural Bank zu einer der grössten griechischen Banken entwickelt hat und Gewinne durch die vorbereitende Memorandums Politik machte, die während der letzten Jahre gegen das griechische Volk durchgesetzt wurde, was einer der finanziellen Faktoren ist, der für das Leiden mitverantwortlich ist.
Der Anschlag wurde mit einer Auto-Bombe, die 75 Kilo Sprengstoff (ANFO) enthielt, durchgeführt. Vier Jahre nach dem Repressionsschlag gegen die Gruppe und während der Staat und viele andere Feinde des bewaffneten Kampfes den “Erfolg der Entmachtung des Revolutionärer Kampf” feierten, hat ihnen diese Aktion widersprochen. Der Anschlag gegen die Bank von Griechenland ist dem Genossen Lambros Fountas, Anarchist und Mitglied des “Revolutionärer Kampf” gewidmet, der in einem Kampf mit Polizisten in Dafni am 10. März 2010 während einer vorbereitenden Aktion der Gruppe getötet wurde. Der Genosse verlor sein Leben bei einem Auto-Enteignungsversuch, der in einer Aktion des “Revolutionärer Kampf” hätte benutzt werden sollen. Das war die Strategie der Gruppe in jener Zeit, der Zeit des Beginns der Finanzkrise.

Diese Strategie sollte jene Strukturen, Institutionen und Personen treffen und sabotieren, die eine zentrale Rolle im historisch grössten Angriff gegen das Volk spielten, der mit der Unterzeichnung des ersten Memorandums im Mai 2010 ins Leben gerufen wurde.
Lambros Fountas kämpfte und verlor sein Leben, damit die Diktatur der Finanz- und Polit-Eliten ihre Absichten nicht verwirklichen können, die Diktatur der Troika, der IME, der EZB und des Europäischen Komitees. Er hat gekämpft und hat sein Leben gegeben, damit die Diktatur des Kapitals und des Staates mit ihren Absichten keinen Erfolg haben, der Totalitarismus, der auf dem ganzen Planeten erzwungen wird, und der die globale Finanzkrise verursacht. Lambros Fountas gab kämpfend sein Leben, damit die Krise zu einer Chance für die soziale Revolution gemacht wird!
Der Anschlag gegen die Bank von Griechenland ist Teil der Fortsetzung der strategischen Anschläge gegen Citibank, Eurobank und die Börse. Zu Ehren des Genossen wurde der Aktion gegen die Bank von Griechenland der Name “Kommando Lambros Fountas” gegeben, weil die grösste Ehre für einen Genossen, der sein Leben für den Kampf gegeben hat, die Fortsetzung des Kampfes für den er kämpfte und starb ist. Und dieser Kampf hatte nicht, hat jetzt nicht und wird auch in der Zukunft kein anderes Ziel haben als den Umsturz des Kapitalismus und des Staates, die soziale Revolution!

Antwort auf die Rückkehr der Märkte

Wir wählten den 10.April 2010 für den Anschlag, weil, wie alle sehr gut verstanden haben (die Regierung, die politischen Parteien, die GriechenInnen selbst und die internationalen Massenmedien), dieses Datum den Gang des griechischen Staates in die Märkte auf der Suche nach dem ersten langfristigen Darlehen nach vier Jahren anzeigte, während am nächsten Tag, dem 11. April 2010, die Chefin des stärksten europäischen Staates, die Anführerin der Einführung der extremen neoliberalen Politik und der Sparmassnahmen in ganz Europa und eine der idealsten UnterstützerInnen der Interessen der Europäischen Finanzelite, die TerroristInnenführerin Bundeskanzlerin Angela Merkel nach Griechenland kam, für die politische und finanzielle Kapitalisierung des “Griechischen Erfolges”. Dem griechische Staat gelang es, 3 Milliarden € durch den Verkauf einer fünfjährigen Anleihe mit Zinsen und Zinseszinsen von 4,95% an die üblichen Kriminellen, die SpielerInnen der Staatsverschuldung, zu bekommen: KapitalanlegerInnen, die berühmten Hedge-Fonds, grosse europäische und amerikanische Banken wie Morgan Stanley, USB, Goldman Sachs, HSBC, Deutsche Bank, Merrill Lynch, und alle die grossen Krähen des riesigen nationalen Kapitalangriffs “Griechenland aufkaufen”, wieder rafften sie 90% der Anleihen. Von der Regierung, den GriechInnen und einer grossen Zahl der ausländischen Massenmedien wurde dies als “Anerkennung der Märkte für den Erfolgskurs Griechenlands in Richtung eines Weges aus der Krise” bezeichnet. Verlegen, halbe Worte murmelnd, mit unklaren Argumenten, begegneten der Rest und ohne Ausnahme alle Parteien des Regimes diesem Ergebnis und akzeptierten damit indirekt die riesige Macht der Kapitalmärkte der globalen Kapitalwirtschaft, der sich früher oder später alle Regimekräfte unterwerfen werden. Und diese katholische Unterwerfung aller Regimeparteien wird durch die Unfähigkeit der Regierung bewiesen, diesem grossen Dilemma zu begegnen, das das Land in eine absolute Sackgasse führt, mit anderen Worten “niedrige Zinsen und Zinseszinsen für Darlehen mit dem Memorandum oder Darlehen durch die Märkte mit hohen Zinsen und Zinseszinsen und ohne Bedingungen”.

Weltweit begrüssten die KapitalistInnen am 10. April die lang anhaltende Politik der Schlachtung eines grossen Teils der griechischen Gesellschaft, die in den letzten 4 Jahren des Memorandums von der Troika und der griechischen Regierung verhängt wurde. Diese 4 Jahre seit dem das erste Memorandum unterzeichnet wurde, diese 4 Jahre des unversöhnlichen sozialen Krieges durch die finanzielle und politische Macht gegen die soziale Mehrheit der Gesellschaft, wurde mit grösster Brutalität verübt, was sie “Rettung des Landes aus dem Bankrott” nennen. Die Mehrheit der Menschen, die in diesem Land leben, ist sich bewusst, dass diese Rettung nur das finanzielle und politische Regime betrifft. Sie betrifft die griechischen Banken, Banken, die seit 2008 und bis heute von den Regierungen 211,5 Milliarden Euro erhalten haben: 28 von der Karamanlis-Regierung im Jahr 2008, 110, von der Regierung Papandreou in einem Zeitraum von zwei Jahren, 2010 und 2011, das ist das erste Darlehen der Troika, 48 Milliarden von der Papadimos Regierung und 25,5 Milliarden durch die Samaras-Venizelos Regierung. Die Summe überstieg die 100% des BIP, die 2/3 der griechischen Schulden entsprechen. Die “Rettung des Landes”, bezieht sich auf das Grosskapital, die hyper nationale herrschende Klasse und die mächtigen FührerInnen des Landes. Es betrifft die Strukturen und Institutionen des globalen Kapitalismus. Es betrifft die Staaten, die politischen Sachen in Griechenland und Europa, jede Art von politischen KollaborateurInnen des Regimes, die es unter allen Umständen unterstützen. Es geht um eine verachtenswerte Minderheit der griechischen Gesellschaft.

Diejenigen, die diese Rettung nicht betrifft, die im Gegenteil mit ihrem Blut diese Rettung des Systems aus der Krise bezahlten, sind die Mehrheit der Menschen. Sie sind die 5 Millionen Menschen, die unter Armuts-Bedingungen leben, die 2,5 Millionen Menschen, die in totalem Elend leben, sie sind die 700.000 Kinder, die nicht über eine Existenzgrundlage verfügen, die unterernährt sind, die frieren, die schwach sind vor Hunger, die in Institutionen für einen Teller Essen enden. Sie sind diejenigen, die krank werden, diejenigen die verrückt werden, diejenigen, die wegen ihrer Schulden ihre Häuser and die Banken und den Staat verlieren, diejenigen, die ohne Strom sind, diejenigen, die nicht die Grundlagen zum Überleben haben. Sie sind die 4000 Menschen, die Selbstmord begingen, weil sie finanziell zerstört wurden. Sie sind die Tausenden von Obdachlosen, die nach einer einfachen Mahlzeit suchen, diejenigen, die mit Müll gespiesen werden, diejenigen, die am Rande langsam sterben. Sie alle sind die Verdammten, die finanziell und sozial gescheitert sind, die mit ihrem Leben und dem Leben ihrer Kinder “die Rettung des Landes” bezahlen. All diese verstehen jetzt, was es für ihr Leben bedeutet, bankrott zu sein, was es für ihr Leben bedeutet, wertlos zu sein. Sie verstehen, dass die “Vermeidung des Bankrotts Griechenlands” Krieg gegen die Gesellschaft bedeutet, soziale Euthanasie. Die Krise ist nicht zu Ende, “ein Gang in die Märkte” bedeutet nicht “den Anfang vom Ende”, wie die kriminellen PolitikerInnen der Regierung und ihre KollaborateurInnen argumentieren. Die Kapitalmärkte mit ihrem “Vertrauen in Griechenland” erzeugen nicht die Verbesserung der griechischen Wirtschaft. Sie unterschreiben einfach eine neue spekulative Geschichte deren Ziel die Gewinne der nahen Zukunft sind. Und wenn man bedenkt, dass eine repräsentative Zeitung des Grosskapitals, die Financial Times, nach dem “erfolgreichen Exit des griechischen Staates auf die Märkte” schrieb, dass “die griechische Wirtschaft weder auf dem Weg der Genesung, noch in einer Rezession ist, sondern einfach zusammengebrochen ist”, und hinzufügt, dass “die griechische Wirtschaft dem Zusammenbruch überlassen werden muss”, erkennen wir, dass die Erfolgsgeschichte in Griechenland als eine Blase gesehen wird, ein gut organisierter Betrug, dies wird sogar von einem Teil der hyper nationalen wirtschaftlichen Elite so verstanden. Die Tatsache, dass die griechischen Anleihen von den Krähen des Grosskapitals gekauft wurden, ist ein Hinweis darauf, dass die globale Krise nicht zu Ende, sondern noch grösser ist. Da die “grosse Liquidität”, für das Kapital der Kreditsphäre stagniert und keine anderen Profite zu finden sind, wenden sie sich wieder massiv dem Staatsverschuldungs-Markt zu und investieren sogar in zerstörte Volkswirtschaften wie die griechische, deren Schulden wegen der hohen Zinsen und Zinseszinsen besonders rentabel sind. Zur gleichen Zeit stellen die Garantien aus dem Euroraum und vor allem die des stärksten europäischen Staates, Deutschland – wie auch das britische Recht (auf dem die Bedingungen der neuen Anleihen basieren und eine einseitige Kündigung verbieten) sicher, dass von nun an jede Art von Schulden-Geier, einschliesslich die grossen europäischen und amerikanischen Banken, über die griechischen Anleihen herfallen. Ihre Eile für Investitionen in die griechischen Schulden ist analog zu den Profit-Problemen mit denen die grossen Kapitale wegen der Krise konfrontiert sind, eine Tatsache, die wir sehr gut kennen, deshalb machten wir uns keine Illusionen, dass die griechische Anleihe nach dem Anschlag gegen die Bank von Griechenland annulliert werden würde. Der erneute Angriff der Märkte auf die Staatsverschuldung kommt nach einer langen Reihe von institutioneller und struktureller Stützung der Euro-Zone um die Krise zu stoppen, ein Vorgehen das eine vorübergehende Stabilisierung des Europäischen kapitalistischen Systems bewirkte. Wie ein ausländischer Reporter sagte, “in Wirklichkeit kaufen die Investoren nicht Griechenland, sie kaufen Euro, sie kaufen Europa”. Doch was die AnlegerInnen im Wesentlichen “Kaufen” ist die europäische politische und soziale Stabilität. Sie “kaufen” die Abwesenheit einer Bedrohung durch eine starke revolutionäre Bewegung, die der einzige wirkliche Widerstand gegen die Reproduktion des kapitalistischen Systems durch die Politik des Regimes wäre. Sie “kaufen” das Fehlen eines erweiterten sozialen revolutionären Prozesses zum Ausstieg aus der Krise, den Ausstieg aus der Herrschaft des Kapitals und des Staates. Sie “kaufen” die Zusicherungen der Regierung, dass sie in der Lage ist, die soziale Unterwerfung zu gebieten. Der Anschlag auf die Bank von Griechenland kommt, um diesen Vertrag ein paar Stunden vor dem Verkauf der Anleihen anzugreifen.

Wir haben das Schlimmste der Krise noch nicht gesehen. Dieser Krieg wird mit unverminderter Spannung fortgesetzt werden. Das System ist durstig nach mehr Blut, nach mehr Menschenopfer. Wer nicht an Hunger stirbt, an Krankheit, Kälte, Verzweiflung, wird ein elender Sklave des Kapitals sein. Sie haben uns bereits alles genommen. Wir sind immer noch am morschen Schiff des kapitalistischen Überlebens angekettet. Was können wir noch verlieren? Geduld, Ausdauer, Selbstbeherrschung, alles leere Worte, die von den politischen Papageien des Regimes diktiert werden, deren einziges Ziel ist es, das Regime der gesellschaftlichen Versklavung zu bewahren, um Defätismus und Entsagung aufrecht zu erhalten, um den Aufstand der Verdammten zu verhindern. In der Geschichte des Kapitalismus hat es noch nie in einer Zeit des Friedens eine Zeit wie diese gegeben, in der ein so unversöhnlicher Krieg gegen die Menschen geführt wurde. Ein Krieg ohne Schlachten, Bomben und Waffen. Die aktuelle soziale und humanistische Krise in diesem Land kennt keinen Präzedenzfall, sein massives soziales Elend kann nur mit dem eines echten Krieg verglichen werden. Und die Verantwortung für diese Situation, die in der Tat sozialen Völkermord empfiehlt, kommt von diejenigen, die bewusst die Memorandums Politik durchgesetzt haben, diejenigen, die abgestimmt haben und das erste Memorandum eingeführt haben, das mittelfristige Programm und das zweite Memorandum, zusammen mit der hyper nationalen Kommission des Grosskapitals, das ist die Troika der IME, der EZB, des Europäischen Komitees.

Auf der anderen Seite, gab es nie eine grössere Notwendigkeit für die Menschen, sich gegen ihre Herrscher zu erheben. Sich zu organisieren und für den Umsturz des Systems zu kämpfen. Nie zuvor gab es eine zwingendere Notwendigkeit für einen grossen bewaffneten Kampf des Volkes gegen die wirtschaftliche und politische Macht. Um jene zu schlagen, die für die soziale Misere verantwortlich sind. Um die zu schlagen, die für die Zerstörung der Menschenwürde verantwortlich sind. Um jenen Regime PolitikerInnen den Rücken zuzudrehen, die mit dem Leben der Menschen spekulieren, mit ihren Lügen und ihrem Wunsch nach Macht. Dies ist die Zeit, unsere Köpfe zu erheben, unsere Angst loszulassen, und den Mut zu finden, sie zu bekämpfen. Denn das einzige, was sie stark bleiben lässt, das einzige, was ihr faules System aufrecht hält ist die soziale Unterwerfung.

Der bewaffnete Kampf ist heute notwendiger denn je. Es ist der Ruf nach dem Aufstand der ProletarierInnen in Griechenland, in Europa, in der ganzen Welt. Es ist der Ruf nach dem Aufstand aller SklavInnen unserer Zeit. Der Aufruf, gegen ihre Politik der “finanziellen Rettung”, die nur Katastrophen bringt, zu kämpfen. Das wirtschaftliche und politische Regime endlich in den Bankrott zu zwingen, zu kollabieren. Es ist der Ruf nach der militanten, der revolutionären Versammlung. Die VerbrecherInnen der herrschenden Klasse und des Staates und jede Art von Betrug der Regime-PolitikerInnen loszuwerden. Zu nehmen was uns gehört dem Volk, um den gesellschaftlichen Reichtum in unsere eigenen Hände zu nehmen, um ihn gemäss unseren wirklichen Bedürfnissen zu verwalten. Eine Gesellschaft nicht der Profite zu schaffen sondern der sozialen Solidarität. Eine Gesellschaft der wirtschaftlichen und politischen Gleichberechtigung, einer Gesellschaft der echten und freien Menschen zu schaffen.

Griechenland: Neuigkeiten im Prozess gegen den Revolutionären Kampf

Der neue Prozess gegen den Revolutionären Kampf, welcher sich auf die zweite Phase ihrer Aktivität zwischen dem Untertauchen von Nikos Maziotis und Pola Roupa bis zur Verhaftung von Nikos bezieht, hat begonnen. Vier Personen sind angeklagt: Nikos Maziotis, angeklagt als “Leader” der Gruppe, Pola Roupa, die immer noch in der Illegalität ist, A. Sotiropoulou, der die Anschuldigungen von sich weist aber seine anarchistische Identität verteidigt, und der kürzlich verhaftete G. Petrakakos. Die vier sind der Zugehörigkeit zu und Beteiligung in einer terroristischen Gruppe beschuldigt, des Angriffs mit einer Autobombe gegen die Bank von Griechenland in der Amerikisstrasse im April 2014, dem Besitz und der Verteilung von Sprengstoff sowie wegen zwei Banküberfällen. Nikos ist in einem zusätzlichen Punkt angeklagt, nämlich des Mordversuchs während der Schiesserei vor seiner Verhaftung am 16. Juli 2014.

Während dem Gerichtstermin vom 19. Oktober hat Nikos erklärt, dass es keine Überfälle gab, sondern nur die Enteignung von räuberischen Organisationen. Danach verlas er ein Manifest, welches bald auf Französisch verfügbar sein wird: Diejenigen, die mit 300 bis 400 Euro im Monat leben, werden durch den Revolutionären Kampf nicht terrorisiert, sondern durch euch und euer Regime. Nikos hat sich als anarchistischer Kriegsgefangener bezeichnet.

An seiner Seite hat sich auch Stamboulou als anarchistischer Kriegsgefangener bezeichnet, welcher alle Anschuldigungen gegen ihn ablehnt und ins Zentrum rückte, dass seine juristische Verfolgung einer Wut des Repressionsapparat entstamme. Schliesslich hat Petrakakos alle Anschuldigungen abgelehnt und vor Gericht geschwiegen. Der Richter antwortete, dass die Gerichtstermine am Nachmittag weitergehen und ausdrücklich gesagt, dass er die maximale Zeit in Untersuchungshaft von 18 Monaten für Stamboulou umgehen will. Die Anwälte der Verteidigung haben den Fakt kritisiert, dass das Gericht lieber speditiv als legal agieren will. Trotz Proteste des Publikums begannen die Zeugeneinvernahmen am Nachmittag.

http://www.secoursrouge.org/Grece-Les-dernieres-nouvelles-du-proces-contre-Lutte-Revolutionnaire

Greek prisons: Text of Revolutionary Struggle prisoner Kostas Gournas about the hunger strike undertaken by Evi Statiri

September 15th 2015:

It is a longstanding as well as an infamous tactic of the State — particularly of the police-judicial mechanism — to use fabricated charges against relatives so as to hold them hostage and put pressure on fighters and political prisoners. It was done in 2002 [against Angeliki Sotiropoulou, wife of 17N prisoner Dimitris Koufontinas], it was done in 2010 [againstMarie Beraha, wife of Revolutionary Struggle prisoner Kostas Gournas], and it was done again in March 2015 [against Evi Statiri, wife of CCF prisoner Gerasimos Tsakalos, but also against Athena Tsakalou, mother of the Tsakalos brothers]. This is because the repressive policy applied against imprisoned members of armed organisations is an ongoing process of political extermination by any means.

After its capitulation on February 20th, the SYRIZA-led government was faced with the first class confrontation — that is, the hunger strike of political prisoners during Spring — and was compelled to vote favorably — among others – on an amendment that theoretically opened the way for the relatives of CCF members to be released. Today, after being refused her liberation six times by judicial councils, Evi Statiri, companion of an imprisoned member of the organisation, is still in prison. Her case is the clearest proof, not only of the acceptance of a state of emergency surrounding the memorandum by the government of the Left, but also of the strict application of a state of exception for political prisoners.

For those in society who had the clarity and determination to approach the ‘no’ vote in the referendum in a class manner and to oppose every memorandum, though without being able to take the next step forward, the question of an alternative way other than the one of delegation or relinquishment, which all the bourgeois parliamentary forces are charting, is more pressing than ever. And this is no other way than struggle and solidarity. Evi’s way…

SOLIDARITY WITH EVI STATIRI
on hunger strike since September 14th 2015

Source: http://en.contrainfo.espiv.net/2015/09/25/text-of-kostas-gournas-about-the-hunger-strike-undertaken-by-evi-statiri/